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| World-renown former football star, İstanbul deputy Hakan Şükür |
However, in the wake of the Dec. 17 scandal, Şükür has been at the center of political debates due to his resignation from the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party). He resigned from the party before the corruption scandal broke and has been accused by his fellow party members of taking instructions from Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen. Şükür admits that he values Gülen's ideas and says that it is an honor to consult Gülen. He also denies that he entered politics on Gülen's instructions, stating that it was Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan himself who insisted on his candidacy in the general elections of 2011.
According to Şükür, there is an oligarchical hierarchy within the AK Party and deputies have almost no say in the decision-making process. Şükür also says that he has been subject to a smear campaign since his resignation and argues that he has been a target of hate crime and has been accused of treason. He does not seem to care about the removal of his name from stadiums that were named after him but says that criticizing the AK Party cannot be considered treason.
He is convinced that the decision to fight the Hizmet movement was taken long before the decision to close down private prep schools by the AK Party. Due to the existence of a “fear empire,” the media censor him, according to Şükür, who believes that Turkish people will soon ask for a return to freedom.
Sunday's Zaman interviewed Hakan Şükür at his home in İstanbul.
As the government faces serious charges of authoritarianism, your resignation from the AK Party resonated a lot. What made you enter politics in the first place?
Up until 2011, Turkey took important steps for democratization and EU membership under AK Party rule. My friendship with Prime Minister Erdoğan since his days as mayor of İstanbul and my popularity in the sports world brought about proposals for entering politics. I refused them before, but when I went to consult with the prime minister about a possible chairmanship of the Turkish Football Federation (TFF), he proposed that I become a deputy.
Were you surprised by this proposal?
Frankly, I did not have a political career in mind. However, Erdoğan said he knew that I had not thought about politics but wanted me serve with his party because people from different areas of society like me. He asked me to be active in sports policies.
Why did you consult with Erdoğan on a position that should be politically independent, such as the chairmanship of the TFF?
There was an effort to dominate areas such as sports and the business world, despite their need to be autonomous or independent. We could include civil society institutions and the media into this effort as well, which was revealed with the corruption probe. It was normal to receive instructions behind the curtain from Erdoğan about every decision. Unfortunately, at the time we did not perceive it as a result of authoritarianism, but simply Erdoğan's interest in sports.
Then your candidacy as deputy did not result from orders from Fethullah Gülen, as Erdoğan claimed?
I was upset by this statement. I was invited to become a deputy by Erdoğan himself. I remember the conversation we had, and most importantly God knows. This statement alone was enough to change my opinion about Erdoğan's sincerity. Once again I realized how justified my resignation was. In a sense it was a personal sacrifice to enter politics with the AK Party because I had to engage with a certain ideology. However, it was portrayed as if I owed my career to the AK Party by the pro-government media.
Have you ever thought that smear campaign was being conducted against you?
Definitely. After Erdoğan, many important names within the party made the same slander and the pro-government media published lies about me. It was when I first saw the “fear empire.” Except for a few media outlets, the entire media closed their doors to me due to the prime minister's attitude. I expressed myself through social media, but then Twitter and YouTube were blocked. The country drifted into heavy censorship, and I witnessed that personally.
Why was this secret censorship reflected in the March 30 elections?
Even before these elections, we saw the gradual establishment of a closed regime in Turkey. Society witnessed the imposition of single-party rule. The majority of people did not know the details of the Dec. 17 corruption process.
But your resignation letter did not touch upon corruption. The emphasis was on the closure of prep schools…
Because I was not aware of corruption. The closure of the private prep schools and the statement by an AK Party deputy that prep schools are more dangerous than the PKK [Kurdistan Workers' Party] were a great disappointment to me. How could I stay with people who think like that? Prior to my resignation, I got the impression that the decision to close down prep schools dated back to years ago.
Did you talk to the prime minister about your stance as a deputy on the prep schools?
If the prime minister has made a decision, your opinion as a deputy will not make any difference. AK Party deputies only see legislative drafts when they arrive at the general assembly. Deputies used to complain about this. I can say that politics are not supposed to be like that to those who criticize me for not knowing politics. For this, I am glad that I entered politics.
Why are you glad?
Because I am able to express what is right for society. People need to know the facts. I am now in a position to argue that the AK Party government used the Hizmet movement, its human resources, intellectual muscle and power in the international arena and at home until it became stronger [than the movement]. Whenever corruption allegations and authoritarianism emerged, the AK Party played the victim by blaming the Hizmet movement. The government curtained the facts and misdirected public opinion by carrying out decisions taken by the National Security Council (MGK) in 2004 [that aim to eradicate the Hizmet movement]. It passed many laws while knowing that the Constitutional Court would overturn them. Thousands of police officers, judges and prosecutors and bureaucrats were reassigned without any reason [being given]. As a former Interior Minister İdris Naim Şahin stated, an “oligarchical structure” has been created by the government.
Should Parliament worry about the reaction of the Constitutional Court every time it passes legislation?
Of course the will of the nation is very important, but the Constitutional Court checks the constitutionality of the laws. We deputies swore to defend the rule of law. How are you going to nurture the rule of law when the laws that Parliament passed aim to cover up the Dec. 17 corruption scandal? Who is going to audit whom if you concentrate power under one hand? Would that not lead to one-party rule?
Why did you not bring up those criticisms before you resigned from the party?
I was among the last deputies to enter politics for the AK Party. I was also new to politics. I needed time to grasp politics and observe the party. I was a new deputy in a party that had been in power for eight years. Whenever I tried to communicate my feelings about the party's mistakes, it would all fall on deaf ears. It was difficult to get results from such calculating people. I left the party 30 months after I joined.
Do you think you have become a target of hate crime?
I was even accused of treason. Can you imagine how absurd this is? I was accused [of treason] because I resigned from the AK Party. Is it treason to mention the mistakes of the party? I respect Fethullah Gülen's ideas. I was called a “hashashin” just because I have sympathy for the Hizmet movement. Of course this is a hate crime.
Some stadiums used to be named after you due to your sporting success, but the AK Party removed your name when you resigned from the party. What do you think about this?
This is only one of the examples of the hate crimes that I talk about. You commit hate crime if you remove my name due to my ideas. It does not matter whether you remove my name or not, but for how long are you going to turn people into “others”?
Do you think you are involved too much in the Hizmet movement?
I do not think so, but one thing is certain. The Hizmet movement is a great role model for me. I do not think that it brings a negative reputation to my name. I can work with civil society in the future to reach out to people as well. I am honored to have met friends from the Hizmet movement.
But the prime minister calls the movement a terrorist organization?
Frankly, all the allegations about the Hizmet movement need to be proven. It is a huge burden and responsibility to subject millions of dedicated Hizmet members to slander. If it is a terrorist organization, why did the prime minister himself take me to the Turkish Olympiad [which is organized by the Hizmet movement]? Were these people not members of a terrorist organization back then?
He says he was not aware of danger of the organization…
This is not possible. You cannot argue that you do not know while you have all the means of the state at your disposal. If you do not submit the evidence to the judiciary when you are aware of the organization, how can you justify this new stance?
Do you think the Hizmet movement should engage in self-criticism after the allegations?
I don't think so. Any law-abiding citizen of this country should be able to work for the state as long as she or he is eligible for that position, regardless of his or her faith. Who would be disturbed that Hizmet defends democracy, freedoms and the rule of law, and why? It is clear that Hizmet has become a target in the post Dec. 17 crisis for placing these universal values at the center. Those who betrayed the 2010 referendum and who failed to draft a new constitution should engage in self-criticism.
Why do you think some commentators in the Hizmet media failed to accurately predict the election results?
Since this election was almost like a general election, if you compare the results with the last general election, you see a political party whose support decreased from 52 percent to 43 percent. Also, certain suspicions about the irregularities should also be taken into account. However, let me say one lesson I learned in politics: Elections are won in the streets, not the media.
Do you think the Hizmet movement lost and the AK Party won as a result of the elections?
The Hizmet movement has never been political. As a result, we cannot talk about winning or losing in the ballot box, but such a perception has emerged. The fact that the Hizmet movement took a clear stance in favor of freedoms and democracy does not politicize it, but shows that it is a civil society organization that has universal demands.
Would you criticize the Hizmet movement as well if you happen to part ways with it?
That is a hypothetical question…
But would you have certain criteria for criticism?
You have to look at the overall picture. Any structure can make mistakes. One should try to correct those mistakes, but you cannot remove a correct model that is accepted by the world.
Is such an approach not valid for the AK Party?
Politics is a very different field. The Hizmet movement is a civil society organization composed of volunteers.
Do you consult Fethullah Gülen on many issues?
Fethullah Gülen is a renowned and respected scholar. What could be wrong with talking with him? It is an honor for me to consult Fethullah Gülen.
Do you think Turkey will emerge from authoritarianism?
If everyone believes in the rule of law, if we turn our face towards the EU criteria again and if a struggle for democracy is fought again, Turkey will return to the right path. Our people discovered the value of freedom and integration with the world. They will ask for it again soon.
Published on Today's Zaman, 10 May 2014, Saturday
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