President Gül's fraying impartiality

The impartiality of President Abdullah Gül was strengthening his hand for his re-election. He was expected to preserve his impartiality and defuse the ongoing tension. Indeed, he once said, "I cannot take a side with respect to this issue."

It cannot be said that Mr. President suffers from confusion about the sides of this conflict. Although it seems that there is a conflict between the Hizmet movement and the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), I am sure President Gül is also aware of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's role in escalating the tension.

Besides a small oligarchic group that has formed a barrier around Erdoğan, no AK Party member, not even the party's executives, deputies and supporters, has any problem with the Hizmet movement. Despite the ongoing tension, only a few AK Party executives, deputies and ministers have participated in this conflict and adopted Erdoğan's discourse toward the Hizmet movement. Speaking to Today's Zaman on condition of anonymity, AK Party members said: "Unfortunately, some words that go far beyond their intended purpose have been uttered. However, as AK Party deputies, we are under greater pressure to support Erdoğan."

Of course, President Gül is fully aware of this fact, because both the party's executives and deputies share their concerns about and unhappiness over the prime minister's discourse toward the Hizmet movement with him. President Gül also knows better than many of us that Deputy Prime Minister and government spokesman Bülent Arınç, who also reportedly left a Cabinet meeting to protest Erdoğan's discourse of hate against the Hizmet movement, has distanced himself from Erdoğan. While Erdoğan attacks Fethullah Gülen Hocaefendi with language unbefitting a statesman, Arınç made an implicit declaration that he has parted ways with Erdoğan by referring to Mr. Gülen as "venerable Hocaefendi."

In this conflict, NGOs and opposition parties of all sizes and ideologies stand against Prime Minister Erdoğan. And everybody agrees that the tension and conflict would end if Erdoğan abandoned his discourse of hate against the Hizmet movement.

A common belief that is quickly spreading in society is that Erdoğan wants to make people forget the corruption probe that was launched on Dec. 17, 2013 by intentionally escalating tension between the government and the Hizmet movement. If the tension is defused, new information and documents about the corruption probe will be discussed more intensively, and he will fail to increase his electoral support to 50 percent in the next municipal election slated for March 2014. For this reason, Erdoğan frequently underlines the importance of the next municipal elections, which he is trying to turn into a vote of confidence for the government. This is why he uses the metaphor of a "war of independence."

Aware of the fact that escalating tension is not enough by itself to save him, Erdoğan is pushing through new laws that will undermine the Dec. 17 investigation.

At this point, President Gül's continuing impartiality test became difficult. He did not do very well on the test when he signed bills on the regulation of the Internet and the Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK). His approval of these bills was a disappointment, not only for those who love him but also those who respect his democratic image.

What drawbacks would President Gül face in vetoing and sending bills that he had previously criticized, saying they contain provisions that are anti-democratic and against international law, back to Parliament for further discussion? Can his decision to approve these bills be explained by his fear of a confrontation with Prime Minister Erdoğan?

His approval of these bills tarnished both his prestige as the president and his reputation for impartiality.

The opportunity to be elected the first president of Turkey by popular vote is being offered on a silver platter to Gül. If President Gül, who has risked this opportunity once by approving the Internet and HSYK bills, approves another bill designed to undermine the Dec. 17 investigation, he will lose not only the opportunity to be elected the first president of Turkey by popular vote but will also put an end to his political career.

Those who take the side of Erdoğan, who is escalating tension, will also share responsibility for his errors -- and his fate as well.

Published on Sunday's Zaman, 02 March 2014, Sunday

Related

• Is there room left on stage for the president?