EU reforms for Alevi demands

Oğuzhan Tekin

The Abant Platform, part of the Journalists and Writers Foundation (GYV), gathered over 160 people, including scholars, journalists, leaders of Alevi civil society organizations and representatives from the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) to discuss and promote peaceful coexistence in terms of the Alevi issue at a meeting titled “Alevis and Sunnis: Searching for Peace and a Future Together.” The program was held in Abant, Bolu on Dec. 13-15, 2013. I attended the gathering and would like to share my notes here.

Intellectuals, scholars and civil society representatives have agreed on a shared solution to Alevi demands involving society and the state. But when it comes to political solutions, politicians prefer to sacrifice this sensitive issue to political interests and their future careers. I believe that all otherized or marginalized groups (Kurds, Alevis and legally recognized minorities) must generate pressure on the government through lobbying and also keep their agenda fresh by means of social and academic activities. These actions should not be pursue rights for their groups only, but should be based on wider EU reforms concerning freedom of conscience and faith, equality and rights.

The Alevi faith is essentially an interpretation of Islam's Sufi movement, with its roots in the rise of Islam. Although Alevism was seen as an unorthodox version of Islam during the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic, they have succeeded in maintaining their faith for centuries.

Turkish nationalism and secularism, which are constitutionally protected, were the main building blocks of the Turkish state. Individual freedoms and freedom of conscience and faith are restricted for the sake of preserving its unity. The state sometimes understood religious diversity and religious groups, whether moderate or radical, as a national security issue.

When the Republic was founded, its architects aimed to create a homogenous population by social engineering and the destruction of differences based on religious and ethnic roots. A Turkish citizen was defined as an ethnic Turk with secular values and a Sunni Islam background. Other groups have not been given equal rights in society, the state bureaucracy and business. Minorities, Kurds, Alevis and other religious groups have been kept under supervision, spied on and discredited. They have been the usual suspects, but we do not want to believe that Turkey is taking this approach in modern times.

The state holds itself sacred and expects submission from its citizens. Because the state privileged only those defined as loyal Turks, the others have faced severe physical and psychological trauma for decades. Minorities have been isolated, locked up within their communities. Their identities have never been accepted. Kurds have never been recognized as a separate ethnic group, and there was an attempt to assimilate them. Expression in the public sphere was not open to devout Muslims. Alevis have been considered the natural opposition to the state.

The İstanbul Pogrom of Sept. 6-7 for minorities, the Feb. 28 postmodern coup for conservative Muslims and the Dersim, Maraş, Çorum and Sivas (Madımak Hotel) incidents for Alevis, have been remembered as (deep) state operations used to silence the marginalized.

When the Taraf daily published official documents tracking individuals from religious groups last month, it became obvious that the state has continued to label its citizens, even up to 2013. While the governments have changed, the state's mindset has remained. Thus, without changing the state, we cannot find a lasting solution for the marginalized.

As an otherized group, the fundamental demands of Alevis in Turkey are equal citizenship on the basis of freedom of religion and faith, the formal recognition of Cemevleri as Alevi places of worship, transformation or reform of the Diyanet and the scrapping of compulsory religious classes for students.

One Alevi participant at the meeting said: “We do not have any problem with Sunnis, the Turkish flag, the language or the land. We have been like this country's stepchildren. We only want discrimination to stop and to have equal citizenship with freedom of faith.”

Today, Alevis are angry, disappointed and demanding empathy. They feel resentful, insecure, marginal and scared of being assimilated. They especially exhibit great suspicion and concerns about the recent initiatives announced by the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government. The failure of state-sponsored Alevi workshops several years ago, which aimed to identify and address these problems, the announcement of the third bridge's name as "Yavuz Sultan Selim" and the prime minister's instruction to "bring up a religious generation" were the main issues that caused Alevi anxiety.

Especially in the last decade, intensive urbanization and the EU process provided a convenient opportunity for Alevis to express themselves more freely. Moreover, society already agrees on Alevi matters, and Sunnis support Alevi demands as well. This social consensus must be taken into consideration by the government. Convincing the politicians is the hardest part in the equation. Therefore, not only Alevis but also other marginalized groups in society must unite to lobby for legal regulations on freedom of religion and faith.

Alevi demands also stand for the demands of other groups. Thus, it is better to work for the rights and freedoms of all. Liberal democracy can solve the traumatic history of these groups through EU reforms. Civil society should put pressure on the government to kick-start the EU reforms. Without these reforms, it is naive to wait for society to normalize itself.

At the end of the three-day meeting, there was a consensus on a final statement. It can be seen on the Abant Platform's website.

Published on Today's Zaman, 16 December 2013, Monday