Alevis and Sunnis: the only way out

Cafer Solgun

The 30th meeting of the Abant Platform brought to the agenda one of the colossal and thought-provoking issues in our country. A number of academics, journalists, writers and civil society representatives discussed Alevi-Sunni relations in depth. The meeting, themed "Alevis and Sunnis: Searching for Peace and a Future Together," concluded with a declaration stressing the crucial importance of meeting Alevis' fundamental rights for democratization, normalization and social peace.

The concluding statements of the platform's meetings tend to be democratic manifestos concerning the matter at hand. This applies to the last meeting's concluding statement. But I would like to turn the spotlight on the meeting itself. This meeting ensured a broad participation of the parties concerned to "talk with" and "listen to" each other. All of the participants drew attention to the problem (polarization) with the same sense of responsibility and sensitivity and came up with proposals.

There are certain problems and areas of tension between Alevis and Sunnis, and we can no longer ignore them. Given the fact that both camps have always nurtured biases and prejudices about each other, the real magnitude of the problem becomes obvious.

We certainly need to look into the causes of the problem with emphasis on its daily aspects. By correctly diagnosing these causes, we can get a glimpse of the mentality with which we can move toward a solution.

The "Alevi initiative," launched during the second term in government of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), failed to produce any remarkable concrete move, to much dismay of the Alevi community.

During the 2010 referendum and 2011 election campaigns, the AKP and its leader, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, adopted manners that hurt and frightened the Alevis. For instance, in some rallies, Erdoğan cheered the audience to boo at the Alevi identity of Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, the leader of the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP). Erdoğan's remarks raised concerns especially in provinces where Alevis and Sunnis live together.

Indeed, provocateurs rushed to benefit from the suitable climate in many provinces (Adıyaman, Erzincan, İstanbul, Muğla), marking the houses of Alevis, and writing "Death to Alevis" on their walls. In 2012, an Alevi family was on the verge of being lynched because of provocations by a Ramadan drummer in Malatya.

Many people falsely believe the Gezi Park protests are an Alevi mutiny. This alone is, I think, proof that we are at a critical juncture.

Prime Minister Erdoğan's statement, "If Alevism is about loving Ali, we all are Alevis," is another example that makes the Alevi community feel concerned. The very superficiality of this statement has destroyed Alevis' expectations of being understood.

Finally, the democratization package, announced in recent months, did not include any noteworthy reforms regarding Alevis' demands and expectations, such as the legal recognition of cemevis, which further exacerbated the disappointment and pessimism of Alevis.

It is clear that the ruling party has a sizable role and responsibility in the existing adversities in Alevi-Sunni relations.

It may be seeking to obtain political "gains" from this situation. However, this is a dangerous plan with the potential to undermine our peaceful coexistence.

In its recent past, Turkey lost precious time and energy in ideological clique formations and polarizations. As it is a faith-based one, the Alevi-Sunni polarization has the potential to produce more serious problems. Given the ongoing sectarian conflicts in the Middle East, the potential risks of this polarization become clearer.

But we should never forget that peaceful coexistence is the only way out, and we don't have any other choice.

Published on Today's Zaman, 16 December 2013, Monday