Delphine Strauss
In one corner of the courtyard, green-painted railings enclose the tomb of a saint. In another, a pair of 12-year-old boys in spotless white shirts and neatly pressed trousers politely answer visitors' questions. In Diyarbakir, a city in Turkey's Kurdish south-east where many children work on the streets or land in jail for throwing stones at security forces, these two have come to prepare for high school entrance exams. Asked what they want to do later, one says "doctor" and the other, grinning, declares "police".
They are attending a study house run by supporters of Fethullah Gulen – a preacher who has inspired the creation of a vast network of schools and student dormitories that blend academic rigour, especially in the sciences, with a moral education based on Islamic principles.
April 30, 2011
April 29, 2011
What are the Paths to Interreligious and Intercultural Dialogue?: The Gulen Movement in the Interreligious Context
Fr. Thomas Michel*
1. Where do we begin?
Many people see the need for interreligious and intercultural dialogue but are not sure where to begin. I have often been asked, “How do you go about starting up dialogue with others?” Especially because I am a Christian who has lived and shared life with Muslims for many years, they ask, “How do you go about beginning a dialogue with Muslims? Where do you start?”
It’s a good question, and its one that I found myself asking back in 1978 in Indonesia. I had just finished my graduate studies in Islamic thought and was back in Indonesia and wondering where to begin to meet Muslims and enter into dialogue with them. On one occasion, I asked a prominent Muslim scholar how to go about this. The wisdom of his answer is one that has stayed with me and proven itself true over the years, so that by now it has also become my answer.
1. Where do we begin?
Many people see the need for interreligious and intercultural dialogue but are not sure where to begin. I have often been asked, “How do you go about starting up dialogue with others?” Especially because I am a Christian who has lived and shared life with Muslims for many years, they ask, “How do you go about beginning a dialogue with Muslims? Where do you start?”
It’s a good question, and its one that I found myself asking back in 1978 in Indonesia. I had just finished my graduate studies in Islamic thought and was back in Indonesia and wondering where to begin to meet Muslims and enter into dialogue with them. On one occasion, I asked a prominent Muslim scholar how to go about this. The wisdom of his answer is one that has stayed with me and proven itself true over the years, so that by now it has also become my answer.
April 28, 2011
Censorship in the Turkish media
İhsan Yılmaz
The anti-AK Party bloc has discovered a few new weapons against the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and the alleged AK Party censorship of the Turkish media is one them.
Freedom of the press is one of the crucial pillars of democracy and all democratic states, civil society institutions and individuals are rightly sensitive about this issue. After observing that even the EU officials who are well aware of Turkish facts and realities were negatively influenced by the huge media campaign against the AK Party, which insisted that freedom of the press is in danger in Turkey, it seems that the anti-AK Party bloc will continue to wield this newly devised tool.
The anti-AK Party bloc has discovered a few new weapons against the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and the alleged AK Party censorship of the Turkish media is one them.
Freedom of the press is one of the crucial pillars of democracy and all democratic states, civil society institutions and individuals are rightly sensitive about this issue. After observing that even the EU officials who are well aware of Turkish facts and realities were negatively influenced by the huge media campaign against the AK Party, which insisted that freedom of the press is in danger in Turkey, it seems that the anti-AK Party bloc will continue to wield this newly devised tool.
April 27, 2011
Gülen Community and Fethullah Gülen's Reminder
Hadi Uluengin
Last week in this column I wrote that large masses whose common denominator is to adopt Fethullah Gülen’s spiritual leadership cannot be referred to as a 'cemaat' or religious community or brotherhood. (*)
I made this claim because the Gülen Movement’s pluralism in quantity and diversity in quality means that it must now be defined as a 'camia' or a social community. Generating differences is natural, and such is the case in every intensifying body. To cut a long story short, with the exception of loyalty to the charismatic figure who has been compelled to live in the US against his will, participants in this movement do not act in a monolithic manner. Nor are they part of any centrally organized hierarchy.
Despite the reality that this phenomenon of transition from a religious brotherhood to a community has most definitely occurred—a process of expansion and diversification—the 'other’s' perception of the Gülen Movement has not changed. By 'other' I refer to those large masses who are essentially from secular, urban, and Alevite circles, and who are allergic to the word 'tariqat,' or spiritual order, because of earlier conditioning. It is a fact that these circles consider the community in question to be a 'monster'—a monster who is all-powerful and able to do anything it wants. Imagine a 'monster' (which is a combination of) associations from other cultures: a monster organized in a Bolshevik central discipline, raised in a Catholic Jesuit elitism, equipped with a Protestant Calvinist mission, and kneaded in the secrecy of the Catholic Opus Dei or a secular Freemasonry. And whoever looks cross-eyed at this 'monster' or places an obstacle in its path is doomed to be immediately sent to Silivri Prison!
Last week in this column I wrote that large masses whose common denominator is to adopt Fethullah Gülen’s spiritual leadership cannot be referred to as a 'cemaat' or religious community or brotherhood. (*)
I made this claim because the Gülen Movement’s pluralism in quantity and diversity in quality means that it must now be defined as a 'camia' or a social community. Generating differences is natural, and such is the case in every intensifying body. To cut a long story short, with the exception of loyalty to the charismatic figure who has been compelled to live in the US against his will, participants in this movement do not act in a monolithic manner. Nor are they part of any centrally organized hierarchy.
Despite the reality that this phenomenon of transition from a religious brotherhood to a community has most definitely occurred—a process of expansion and diversification—the 'other’s' perception of the Gülen Movement has not changed. By 'other' I refer to those large masses who are essentially from secular, urban, and Alevite circles, and who are allergic to the word 'tariqat,' or spiritual order, because of earlier conditioning. It is a fact that these circles consider the community in question to be a 'monster'—a monster who is all-powerful and able to do anything it wants. Imagine a 'monster' (which is a combination of) associations from other cultures: a monster organized in a Bolshevik central discipline, raised in a Catholic Jesuit elitism, equipped with a Protestant Calvinist mission, and kneaded in the secrecy of the Catholic Opus Dei or a secular Freemasonry. And whoever looks cross-eyed at this 'monster' or places an obstacle in its path is doomed to be immediately sent to Silivri Prison!
April 26, 2011
Analysis of the Gulen Movement
The book, The Gülen Movement: A Sociological Analysis of a Civic Movement Rooted in Moderate Islam, is one of the first academic books about Fethullah Gülen, a Turkish scholar and preacher, and the civic movement he inspired in Turkey and ultimately throughout the world. The movement is rooted in moderate Islam and is committed to educating youth, fostering interfaith and intercultural dialogue, assisting the needy in society and contributing to global peace. Based on interview data and visits to Gülen-inspired institutions, the book describes the movement from a sociological perspective, especially through the lens of social movement theory. It is the first book, grounded in empirical methodology, to describe the movement to a Western audience. It will be of special interest to social scientists interested in religious movements, religious scholars seeking information on Islamic movements and the general public eager to discover a moderate Islam that promotes humanitarian projects.
Here is an interview with the author of the book, Prof. Helen Rose Ebaugh*, on the Gulen Movement and its dynamics:
Here is an interview with the author of the book, Prof. Helen Rose Ebaugh*, on the Gulen Movement and its dynamics:
April 25, 2011
Fethullah Gülen: 'I have no other goal than to please God'
Michele Brignone
Born in Turkey and for some time resident in the United States of America, Fethullah Gülen is seen by the American press as one of the most influential spiritual leaders of the planet.
A philosopher, theologian and preacher, he is one of the founders of a movement which is widespread in many countries and active in very various fields, from the economy to education.
Fethullah Gülen is one is one of the most influential intellectuals on the planet. A Muslim, born in Turkey, a polymath active in many areas, he was at the origin of an international movement affecting civil society, the economy, and especially education: "the greatest gift a generation can give to another."
Born in Turkey and for some time resident in the United States of America, Fethullah Gülen is seen by the American press as one of the most influential spiritual leaders of the planet.
A philosopher, theologian and preacher, he is one of the founders of a movement which is widespread in many countries and active in very various fields, from the economy to education.
Fethullah Gülen is one is one of the most influential intellectuals on the planet. A Muslim, born in Turkey, a polymath active in many areas, he was at the origin of an international movement affecting civil society, the economy, and especially education: "the greatest gift a generation can give to another."
April 24, 2011
Ankara’s secret: Stupidity or conspiracy?
Mustafa Akyol
I am not the greatest fan of Charles Krauthammer, the neoconservative columnist of the Washington Post. But the man is undoubtedly smart, and one of his insights was a true gem. “In explaining any puzzling Washington phenomenon,” he advised in his column, “always choose stupidity over conspiracy, incompetence over cunning.” The opposite, he said, gives American politicians and bureaucrats “too much credit.”
I know there are huge differences between Washington and Ankara, but there might well be parallels as well. And the more I get to know the ways of the latter, and the details of the puzzling phenomena there, the more I tend to think like Krauthammer.
I am not the greatest fan of Charles Krauthammer, the neoconservative columnist of the Washington Post. But the man is undoubtedly smart, and one of his insights was a true gem. “In explaining any puzzling Washington phenomenon,” he advised in his column, “always choose stupidity over conspiracy, incompetence over cunning.” The opposite, he said, gives American politicians and bureaucrats “too much credit.”
I know there are huge differences between Washington and Ankara, but there might well be parallels as well. And the more I get to know the ways of the latter, and the details of the puzzling phenomena there, the more I tend to think like Krauthammer.
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