Education, human capital and Arab Spring

Abdullah Bozkurt

I strongly believe that education is the most important formidable challenge facing the countries in the Middle East, which have been in stages of transition amid discontent, demonstrations, uprisings or even revolutions, while they try to map out trajectories for their future.

The ultimate success or terrible failure of the reforms and institutionalization process Arab countries have been undertaking for some time will undoubtedly hinge on the outcome of educational reforms. This was the message I carried to the prestigious Abant Platform over the weekend, which was organized in Gaziantep, a Turkish province on the border with Syria, with the title “The Future of the Middle East after the Arab Spring,” in cooperation with Zirve University.

Unless we have a truly fundamental change in the way we approach education in these countries -- whose populations are relatively young compared to those in Europe, for example -- it would be impossible to continue the spirit of reform in the near future. According to the Arab Human Development Report issued by the UN Development Program, some 60 percent of the population in the Arab countries is under 25 years of age, making this one of the most youthful regions in the world. Considering the rampant unemployment, which is about 30 percent of the youth in these states, 51 million new jobs are needed within the coming decade in order to prevent an increase in the unemployment rate.

This bleak picture puts Arab countries in a difficult predicament. There are two important challenges in terms of educational reforms: One is how we ensure unfettered access to education for everybody, i.e., equal opportunity for all, including vulnerable groups. The other is how we can stimulate young minds into analytical and critical thinking instead of lecturing them with a redundant emphasis on memorization. Arab educators must also be able to devise curriculums to bridge the gap between colleges/universities and industries to better meet the demand of businesses. In other words, education must be relevant to the currant business needs of a country. Young minds should be empowered with entrepreneurship and an initiative-taking mindset with a special focus on communication and analytical skills. Getting a degree by itself is not enough to reduce unemployment in these Arab countries, which will be home to some 400 million people in a few years.

One has to remember that almost a year ago Mohamed Bouazizi, a 26-year-old fresh produce seller in a small town in Tunisia, ignited the Arab Spring when he set himself on fire in protest of humiliation amid economic difficulties, which sent President Ben Ali and his family into exile after 23 years in power. The incident taught us that it would be very difficult to sustain social, political and economic reforms without the necessary underpinning of highly skilled and educated human capital that is spread, by and large, evenly to all segments of society, and not only to the special privileged few. Equal educational opportunities would help level the playing field for everybody, leading to equal opportunities in the job market.

On a cautious note, we have to underline that educational reforms are never easy and should be considered as a long-term investment but with a highly profitable return on investment provided that they are carefully devised. If the young Arab populace could be trained and educated with well-formulated tools within the new revamped system, only then would we see the participation of citizens in a productive way to the well being of their societies. The full potential of each and every individual can only be achieved through a quality education, and this would in turn contribute immensely to the overall positive development of Arab societies. You might have a modern constitution in line with the rule of law, human rights and a participatory democratic system where all citizens are supposedly equal with regards to their color, gender, ethnicity and religion. But all these fundamental rights will be mere words on paper if you do not have an educational lift for the young population in these fragile countries. The new system would continue to be hostage to exploitation by a few under renamed regimes of tutelage.

There is a strong religious sentiment in Arab countries which constitutes the core values in these societies. There is nothing wrong with that. Every country is unique and must be given a chance to develop its own custom-made development schemes. There is no “one-size-fits-all” formula there. Considering that Islamist-based political parties, long-suppressed under authoritarian regimes, are sweeping elections in Tunisia and Egypt, and possibly in Syria in the future, the new rulers must pay attention to the scientific advancement that has been lagging behind the rest of the world for decades. Coupled with that, gender issues and a lack of educational opportunities for women must also be adequately addressed.

Education could be instrumental in correcting lingering problems along religious, sectarian and ethnic lines. It should promote harmony and coexistence while ensuring the full participation of all distinct groups in the governance of the country with a representative democracy. If the educational system bolsters the chance of success in adopting comprehensive economic and social reforms, it would also help undercut reasons for religious and ethnic conflicts anyway. In most cases, the real cause for the confrontation among different groups is related to economic and social problems but often dressed in the guise of religious or ethnic rivalry.

Almost all the structural problems in Arab countries can be attributed to the deficiencies in their educational systems and the lack of development in human capital -- the most precious assets we all have. Problems in health and social security, environmental concerns, the lack of development of civil society organizations (CSOs), a stifling bureaucracy, corruption, and a lack of transparency and accountability in governments are all unsolvable without addressing the root of the problems in the educational system.

Lastly, there is so much hype about the “Turkish model” in the Arab Spring that I do not believe. But if there are some good practices and best experiences that Turkey can share with Arab countries, the revolutionary educational undertaking we had experienced in this country in the last couple of decades must be one of them. The Turkish reform process involved not only public figures but also CSOs, community groups, private companies and entrepreneurs. Especially meriting praise are Muslim intellectual Fethullah Gülen-inspired private schools and universities that have successfully campaigned for excellence in education from science to social studies. These schools created a strong sense of local ownership in the communities they serve and mobilized businesses, politicians and community leaders on behalf of these schools for the advancement and better education of boys and girls alike.

This educational overhaul paved the way for the flourishing middle class in Turkey as an engine of change and resulted in the birth of the so-called Anatolian tigers, a nickname for big companies that grew out of one-time small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). This middle class acted as a backbone for the growing civic institutions and advocacy interest groups in Turkey. In time the process transformed Turkish society in a fundamental way and led to the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party). It was not the AK Party government that changed Turkey. It was simply the result of transformations that were fueled by the quality and coverage of education at the local level. If you merely try to emulate the AK Party experience in Turkey, you may lose sight of the forest for the trees.

Published on Today's Zaman, 05 December 2011, Monday