Hizmet Movement (Gulen Movement)

Support for democracy

2012-02-02T00:01:00.000-08:00

Mahmut Övür, Sabah

Turkey is currently witnessing a fierce struggle for democratization, and Turkey’s important dynamic powers such as the Gülen movement -- followers of Fethullah Gülen, an Islamic scholar -- left-wing groups and liberal democrats strongly support this.

The referendum on Sept. 12, 2010 is proof of this support. These dynamic powers have joined forces for the same goal: to have a more democratic Turkey. But it is inevitable that one will observe hidden conflicts within these powers; we have seen fights recently between the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and Gülen followers, and between the AK Party and left-wing and liberal democrats. In fact these conflicts are indicators of a healthy democracy, but those who planned coups to overthrow the government are impatiently waiting for a much more serious conflict to develop within these groups. Aware of all this anticipation, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan attended the Zaman daily’s 25th anniversary for this reason only: to disappoint those wanting to see tension between the government and Gülen followers. And Erdoğan is expected to make a similar move with regards to the Kurdish issue as well.

Published on Today's Zaman, 31 January 2012, Tuesday

Philippines Ambassador makes a thankful visit

2012-02-02T00:00:00.000-08:00

Kimse Yok Mu

The Philippines Ambassador Marilyn J Alarilla paid a thankful visit to Kimse Yok Mu for its assistance in the Mindanao region of the Philippines which has suffered a flood disaster.

"After the disaster we had been suffering through difficult times" she said and thanked Kimse Yok Mu for their contribution in the process of recovery. She spoke about the relationship between Turkey and the Philippines and expressed a desire to implement the projects for the development of these relations. She stated that she was aware of Kimse Yok Mu worldwide activities and said “We are feeling the benevolent spirit of the Turkish people and our friendship will be forever."

Kimse Yok Mu President Unal Ozturk said that “Today humanity is becoming closer and we are very happy that Kimse Yok Mu was together with the people of the Philippines during their bitter time.”

Published on Kimse Yok Mu, 01 February 2012, Wednesday

Fethullah Gülen: Even democracy needs a metaphysical dimension

2012-02-01T00:20:00.000-08:00

Rainer Hermann

Western World is disputing with Islam. Muslims also have some responsibility for this attitude: the Taliban is practicing the 'stoning sentence' and burning the schools for girls; al-Qaida claims Islam as a support for terrorism. On the other hand, like in Christianity, there are different interpretations in Islam but the West carelessly speaks about a single Islam. This problem will not be resolved until Muslims resolve their own issues and West meets with the different interpretations of Islam that has developed around the world.

One of such interpretations is the Turkish Islam. No other country with Muslim population embraced secularism as one of the fundamental principles of the state. Unlike Egypt and Algeria, Islam always remained a peaceful faith in Turkey. Turkey is Fethullah Gulen's country. Gulen, who is called 'Hodja Efendi' by his sympathizers, is an inspiration for people in Turkey and abroad. Gulen Movement is an apolitical, social movement.

West cannot dispose of the incorrect conception that Islam is demanding a political order based on sharia. However, there have always existed movements in the Islamic world, that are spiritualistic and humanistic in essence and that don’t interfere with politics. Gulen Movement is an impressive such example today.

The privileged Kemalist executives believed in the principle that every religion that goes out of personal space becomes politicized and drags the society and state into a religious system. For this reason, Turkey’s main principle secularism, as in the French tradition, bans religion in public space. This is not secularization. Gulen, on the other hand, moved religion into the public domain as a social power. Gulen was also able to create a Muslim identity compatible with democracy and pluralism.

The urban elite governed the country since the foundation of the Republic. Members of bureaucracy, army, judiciary, and some intellectuals became the power centers in the country; the political wing was the the People’s Republican Party (CHP). Sociologist Nilufer Gole calls this coterie "White Turks”. White Turks intended to transform the society with an enlightened despotism. The Kemalist principles, called 'the Six Arrows’, set the rules of the game. History of the Republic is actually the history of objections against these principles. Migration from rural areas to cities reached its peak in the 1970s. A new middle class emerged from these ‘Rural Muslims’. Gole calls this group ‘Black Turks’. Some of the Black Turks are in search of a change in politics; their party is the AK Party of Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The remaining members of the Black Turks started a search for social action outside the politics. Gulen is the preacher of this second group.

More than 20 years ago, Gulen started expressing that Islam was not an obstacle for democracy. Even AK Party members consider themselves to be not Islamic but conservative democrats. Gulen's values create a culture of dialogue and tolerance. Gulen is a modern Muslim in search of a synthesis between Islam and science, and between Turkish culture and Western civilization.

One of the values Gülen represents is spirituality. This preacher’s values, which are inspired by Turkish Islam’s sufi tradition is not principally different from Christianity; one’s devotion to God and being ready for altruism for public benefit… Then comes a fresh morality. Gulen, who calls his followers to adopt a moral value based on lifelong learning and efficient endeavor, formed the basis for the ethics described by Socialists as ‘Islamic Calvinist work ethics of the new rural middle class’. This is not much different than Max Weber's Protestant Ethics. Striving becomes a high-level form of worship. Next is the progress in science. Gulen lays emphasis on scientific education, because Gulen sees the education as means to understanding the creation, and advancement of mankind, thus achieving prosperity. And support for democracy as the political framework: There is no obstacle to democracy in Islam, says Gulen. However, even democracy needs a metaphysical dimension. As there are Christian, Jewish and Buddhist democrats, there could also be Muslim democrats. He thinks that the protection of individual rights and the community’s modernization is only possible through democracy. He believes that peace can be achieved provided that diversities are accepted as gains. Only such tolerant perspective can keep the pluralistic democracy alive.

Finally, another fact emerges spontaneously: the rejection of terror. Gulen states that ‘legitimate goals’ can only be achieved by using ‘legitimate tools’, and he also states murderers neither will go to heaven nor will they earn God's pleasure- without bending the words.

Gülen movement is a loose network formed by the new middle class. Common denominator is not a membership to an organization but commitment to the whole set of values. A person can be inspired by Gulen's ideas on his own and can start a school or an education center. That is why this movement is called ‘Volunteers Movement’. Activities are not secret or hidden. Their agenda includes 3 open items: education, dialogue and the press. Gulen sympathizers have opened more than 500 schools in Turkey and abroad. A contemporary curriculum is applied in schools.

Not until long ago, Turkey was a divided country with not much dialogue between different ideological groups. However, a lot has changed in recent years. It cannot be said that the improvement is only due to Gulen's efforts, but he definitely has significant contribution to change. Fethullah Gulen is modern Islam’s preacher.

* Dr. Hermann, Islamic research expert; author of the book "Where Is The Turkish Society? Culture Clash In Turkey".

Published [in Turkish] on October 25, 2010 on Turkiye Newsweek
English version retrieved from Hizmet News

The Imam: Fethullah Gulen in the Western Media

2012-01-31T00:00:00.000-08:00

fethullah-gulen.org

More than a decade after Fethullah Gulen moved to the US, three articles appeared in the western media in 2010 providing a closer look to the life of Gulen, and the movement he inspired. One was written by Suzy Hensen and published in The New Republic on November 10, 2010. The other appeared in The Wall Street Journal on June 4, 2010 right after the Gaza flotilla incident. Another comprehensive article was published in The Time magazine on April 26, 2010. Aside from being the only three major articles that appeared in the western media covering Fethullah Gulen, all three articles had one common word in their titles: Surprisingly it was not Gulen's name, but the term "imam".

Time Magazine called Gulen "The Turkish Imam" whereas The Wall Street Journal referred to him as "Reclusive Turkish Imam", and finally The New Republic went with "The Global Imam". So what does "imam" mean, and why did such prestigious media choose to call Gulen "the imam"? This note provides a little analysis on the perception of Fethullah Gulen in the western media and suggests alternative terms that could better define and describe him.

Imam in the Islamic Terminology and Turkish Understanding

Merriam-Webster defines "imam" as 1) the prayer leader of a mosque, or 2) a Muslim leader of the line of Ali held by Shiites to be the divinely appointed, sinless, infallible successors of Muhammad, or 3) any of various rulers that claim descent from Muhammad and exercise spiritual and temporal leadership over a Muslim region. The Turkish understanding of imam is mostly as described in part one, because the majority of Muslim population in Turkey is not Shiite but Sunni.

Wikipedia differentiates a little more between Sunni and Shiite understanding of imam: “An imam is an Islamic leadership position, often the worship leader of a mosque and the Muslim community. Similar to spiritual leaders, the imam is the one who leads Islamic worship services. More often, the community turns to the mosque imam if they have a religious question. In smaller communities, an imam could also be the community leader. The Sunni branch of Islam, where to approximately 90% of Muslims adhere, does not have a clergy and therefore an imam is not a cleric like that of a Catholic Christian priest. In the Shia (Shiite) branch of Islam, the concept of an imam occupies a much more central religious position. The Sunni branch of Islam does not have imams in the same sense as the Shiite.”

Following the above definitions, we have to clarify that Fethullah Gulen is not an imam in the Shiite sense, as he openly declares in many of his writings and speeches he is a strict follower of the Hanafi tradition that is a streamline Sunni branch of Islam. Therefore, as an imam for Sunni Muslims, Gulen is someone who leads congregational daily or weekly prayers and gives sermons. He actually performed in that position officially in Turkey for more than thirty years from sixties to nineties. The same reasoning or description applies to all imams in Turkey, as almost all of the Muslim populations are followers of the Hanafi or Shafi traditions which are both Sunni branches of Islam.

So not only Gulen but any imam in Turkey, is not an imam in the Shiite sense, that is, he is not believed to be sinless or infallible or divinely appointed. Those references only apply to various sects of Shiite branch. Neither Fethullah Gulen himself nor the people inspired by him see him in that position.

Gulen vs. Khomeini: A False Analogy

Those who compare Fethullah Gulen to Ayatollah Khomeini are making a false analogy. Riza Meral, a Turkish political scientist, gives a detailed analysis of this faulty comparison on Turkish Daily News:
“The first serious mismatch between Khomeini and Gulen is the overall political context. The Islamic Revolution of 1979 did not happen because of Khomeini or his return. The dynamics of the economy, poor governance and foreign intervention had led to a wide reaction against the Shah's regime, uniting the voices of leftists, communists, clerics and apolitical middle-class merchants. The eventual clerical manipulation of the revolution and imposition of theocracy were unexpected outcomes of a reaction to a failed political regime. Today's Turkey is nowhere near as fragile as Iran was in 1977-79, nor is there such a unanimous or clear-cut feeling of reaction against the rulers of the land, or even a consensus on who is actually at the root of the problem. The fact that the AK Party is in power with 47 percent of the vote makes it impossible to have an overnight revolution or instant change, as Turkish society is divided almost evenly and no group can declare unchallenged dominance.

The second mismatch is seen in contrasting the appeal Khomeini had and Gulen has in their respective societies. Within the political vacuum that lacked a credible and trusted political figure, Khomeini eventually emerged as representing authenticity, faithfulness to Persian culture and values, virtue and humility, in stark comparison to the Shah and his elitist excesses. His political language, with its religious and socialist tunes, connected with the broad revolutionary imaginations of the people. That is why his return to Iran from exile initially appealed to everyone. Similarly, the notions of Mahdi, the anticipated return of the Hidden Imam added a Messianic aura to his arrival in Tehran on a French jumbo jet.

Gulen will not return to a society that is expecting him as the Savior or the true representation of Turkishness or the antidote to current political failures. Although it is true that Gulen's imminent return would cause tensions, it would only be tensions created by political interest groups which would use his presence for their own ends, rather than a unanimous welcome that would lead to the overtaking of the country. Although the Gulen movement will increasingly become one of the most powerful social and political Islamic voices in Turkey, at the moment there is no evidence that the movement has plans for a concrete recreation of or enforcement of a new political system. For now, the movement seems to be resolved to influence society and politics with a tolerant, conservative and traditional Islamic faith.

The third mismatch is the difference between Shiite and Sunni Islam. One of the questions that always troubled observers of the Islamic world is why there has only been one Islamic revolution and that in Iran, a Shiite country, and nowhere else. Although some have unconvincingly argued that the reactionary roots of the Shiite faith have created a more aggressive political theology, this idea completely contradicts different voices and eras in Shiite theology, which have categorically rejected participation in mundane politics. However, there is an important element of the Shiite faith that always makes it a powerful social force, which is the strong structural relationship and hierarchy between the clerics and their followers. Sunni Islam is closer to Protestant Christianity in its autonomous, scattered and organic nature, whereas Shiite Islam is closer to Eastern Orthodox Christianity with its hierarchical, structured and multiple leadership roles. This is why a single Sunni Muslim leader can never hold the same social power and unquestioned following that a Shiite leader might attract. Thus it would be very difficult for Gulen to exercise power and enforce a vision like Khomeini was able to.”

Fethullah Gulen himself dismissed these allegations personally several times. When asked about his return to Turkey in 2008, he stated "I am not Iranian, I'm not like Khomeini. I have never carried his claims. So my return is not like a return of Khomeini". He stressed that he is not a public person who loves to make appearances. "I never had similarities to Khomeini in terms of character, religious order or country. I will return to my country when the conditions are ripe, and it is going to be in my own humble modest way, without making a big deal out of it, without having any major public appearances."

The above analysis should also answer the implicated question in the title of article by Delphine Strauss “Inspring or Insidious” at the Financial Times. As a strict Sunni traditionalist Fethullah Gulen cannot utilize the Shiite concept of “taqiyya”, meaning dissimulation. He has always been open about his thoughts and intentions. Moreover almost all his speeches are recorded, and scripts of those are published through various books or websites.

Considering his life, his writings, his speeches, and what he has promoted throughout his life, it might be more correct to call Fethullah Gulen a thinker, a writer, a preacher, an activist and an intellectual leader. Gulen abnegates any adjectives that would associate him any superiority or leadership, but he has inspired hundreds of thousands in education, dialog, outreach and charity.

Gulen as an Intellectual and Opinion Leader

Gulen renounces any reference of him other than an ordinary Muslim. He rejects any loyalty other than to the basic principles of humanity, citizenship and peaceful living. His simple but exemplary life inspired thousands of people to reach out to others, give charity to the needy, build schools all around the world, resolve conflicts, and establish bridges among different ethnic and religious groups of people.

Several universities across the globe established chairs in his name to study Gulen’s teachings and the movement he inspired. Professor Johan Leman, the chair holder at the Catholic University of Leuven says, "His (Gulen’s) message now has a growing influence, particularly among the second-generation migrant-origin citizens of Europe. It is our hope that this chair, inspired by this message, will contribute to the bridge-building process through promoting intercultural understanding and stimulating research on relations between Muslim communities and the wider society in Belgium and Europe".

Foreign Policy of the United States and Prospect Magazine of the United Kingdom had chosen Fethullah Gulen as the World’s Top Public Intellectual in a 2008 poll of their readers. Ebru News quotes “With over 150 books written and available in 40 different languages it is no wonder how Gulen was chosen at the top of that list. Gulen is a well-respected contemporary thinker, a democratic figure and social renovator who appeals to the common sense of large masses.” In the FP interview, Gulen makes clear that he has no political ambitions and claims no leadership; he sees his only role as a writer and preacher promoting dialog and education.

Gulen as a Teacher and Preacher

Fethullah Gulen is generally referred as “hocaefendi”, meaning “respected teacher” in Turkish, as he has been teaching Islamic sciences on the understanding of the Quran, Holy Book of Islam, and the Sunnah, life and sayings of the Messenger Mohammad (PBUH). As mentioned above he has more than 150 books most of which are translated into English or other languages. His magnum opuses on Sufism (Emerald Hills of The Heart) and Life of The Messenger (The Infinite Light) are both unique in content and style.

Both in his sermons and his writings, Fethullah Gulen always admonishes the people inspired by him to adhere to the basic principles of citizenship, humanity and peaceful living. His writings and personal life is the best evidence that he always promotes peace and dialog, respect for one another. He always encourages the people inspired by him to cooperate and collaborate with people from all walks of life in resolving the emergent problems of the humanity.

We could conclude with the introduction of Fethullah Gulen, by the Gulen Institute, summarizing all the better terms that define and describe him: "Gulen is a Turkish Muslim scholar, thinker, author, poet, opinion leader, educational activist, and preacher emeritus. He is regarded as the initiator and inspirer of the worldwide social movement of human values known as the Hizmet (Service) Movement… Despite the high regard millions hold for him, Gulen considers himself only one of the volunteers of the civil society movement he helped originate, and denounces any attribution of leadership. He spends most of his time reading, writing, editing, worshiping, and receiving medical care. Sharing the suffering of humans in every corner of the world, he has always been known for his deep respect for and connection to all creation. Living for others is the core principle of his understanding of service."

Published on fethullah-gulen.org, 27 January 2012, Friday

What does the Gülen movement stand for?

2012-01-30T00:00:00.000-08:00

Şahin Alpay

Last week I was invited to speak at a panel organized for the occasion of the publication of Muslim scholar and preacher Fethullah Gülen's new book “Yaşatma İdeali” (The Ideal of Serving Mankind), in which he explains the main principles of the faith-based social movement serving the nation and the mankind he has inspired.

On that panel, in the hope of contributing to a better understanding and appreciation of the movement, I presented as follows an assessment of it from a social science perspective.

I am not at all a religious person. I do, however, respect religions and religious people. I believe religious beliefs are coexistent with life, because human beings have spiritual as well as material needs and that they are, if not the only main source of moral principles that help societies stay together. I respect religious beliefs, but regard at the same time, the fight against dogmatic and oppressive interpretations of religions that infuse animosity between people as one of the main challenges of mankind. I deeply respect Fethullah Gülen's understanding of Islam, which rejects dogmaticism and teaches love and respect between human beings. I have expressed my respect for Gülen and his work, not just since 2002 writing for the Zaman and later Today's Zaman daily newspapers, which are products of the faith-based social movement he has inspired, but since 1995, while I was writing for the daily Milliyet, which is one of the bastions of Kemalism, that is authoritarian secular nationalism in the Turkish media.

In traditional agrarian society, religion was the main basis of knowledge as well as morality. In the transition to a modern industrial society, dogmas of religion were challenged, science gradually replaced religion as the main source of knowledge, and the universe began to be explained in terms of the laws of nature, society in terms of the laws of history. It may be said that in the transition from the modern to post-modern society that began in the latter half of the 20th century, the validity of the theories about the laws of nature and history were increasingly challenged and limitations of science were increasingly recognized.

It may be said that there were two basic arguments put forward by the Enlightenment philosophy of the 18th century that laid the ground for the notion of modernity: 1) Critical reason is the most valuable asset of mankind. No assumption, including those of religion, is above criticism and questioning. 2) Human beings can establish heaven on earth by utilizing scientific knowledge, which is the product of human reason. Those societies that relied on the former and also subjected science to critical reason were able to gradually constitute liberal and pluralistic political regimes. In such societies, modernity was increasingly identified with human rights, democracy, rule of law, respect for diversity and market economy. (Liberal-pluralist modernity.) Those societies that relied on the latter argument of Enlightenment philosophy formed oppressive and suppressive political regimes in varieties of fascism and communism. (Authoritarian-totalitarian modernity.)

The reaction of religions and religious people to modernity was mainly of two kinds: Those that rejected modernity led to dogmatic, fundamentalist interpretations of religion, while those interpretations that aimed at adapting to modernity assumed both liberal and authoritarian forms. In the 20th century Muslim world, authoritarian modernist interpretations of Islam resulted in various radical and violent Islamisms in various shapes, including al-Qaeda's global Islamism. There appeared, however, also interpretations of Islam that aimed at a synthesis of Islam's teachings with liberal principles.

In Turkey, the basis of an understanding of Islam that combined Islamic values with advocacy of human rights, democracy, basic rights and freedoms, rule of law, secularism in the sense of religious rights for all, respect for cultural diversity, science and market economy was laid down by the late Said Nursi (1878-1960), a Kurd from Bitlis, while that understanding has been further developed by Fethullah Gülen, a Turk from Erzurum, living in self-imposed exile in the United States since 1998. Turkey today may be said to be in transition from an authoritarian to a liberal form of modernity. In this process of consolidating a full market democracy, besides Turgut Özal's reforms towards liberalizing and globalizing Turkey's economy, criticism of Kemalist authoritarian modernity by liberal intellectuals, reforms led by the Justice and Development Party (AKP) towards accession to the European Union, and the movement serving the nation and the mankind inspired by Gülen have also played a role.

Gülen's views have surely evolved over time. That the evolution of his ideas has led him towards the ideal of serving mankind from all nations and regions is best demonstrated today by the schools he has inspired, which have spread to not less than 120 countries, building bridges of peace and understanding between Turkey and all of these lands.

Published on Sunday's Zaman, 29 January 2012, Sunday

God in the details

2012-01-29T00:00:00.000-08:00

Lisa Van Wyk

The Süleymaniye Mosque was built more than 500 years ago, and it is rare to find modern buildings that demonstrate the same meticulous and time-consuming craftsmanship. South Africans will soon be able to experience first-hand the attention to detail and proportion that is so characteristic of Ottoman design.

The Nizamiye Mosque - the largest masjid in Southern Hemisphere
(Photo: Madelene Cronjé)

The Nizamiye Mosque complex in Midrand, which will be completed in early 2012, is based on the Selimiye Mosque in Edirne, Turkey, a building that was designed by Sinan in 1568. Like the original, the complex includes community facilities -- a school for 800 pupils, a conference room, shops, a restaurant and a clinic.

No expense has been spared in the building's design and execution, with total costs estimated at about R210-million.

Mandela's blessing

The man behind the project is Turkish businessman Ali Katircioglu, who has relocated to South Africa with his wife for the duration of the project, and will return to his home in Istanbul when the building is complete.

Uncle Ali, as he is affectionately known, was encouraged to build the mosque and the school by his close friend Fethullah Gülen, an influential and often controversial Turkish cleric and philanthropist who now lives in the United States.

Katircioglu said the project was given Nelson Mandela's blessing when he met the former president in 2007, who encouraged him to include facilities that would benefit the larger community, such as a clinic.

While these facilities are far from complete, the mosque itself is in the finishing stages, with a few skilled artisans (imported from Turkey) putting the final touches to its decorative elements.

The basic building blocks of the project, such as the 800 tonnes of concrete that was used to build the main structure of the mosque, have all been sourced locally and put together using a local workforce. The details, such as the tiles, the calligraphy, the painting on the dome and the stained glass windows, have all either been shipped to South Africa from Turkey, or have been completed locally using imported materials.

Imposing scale

The mosque's distinctive silhouette is a welcome sight in the otherwise bland and uniform Midrand landscape that surrounds it, but it is only once one enters the complex that its scale becomes apparent. The mosque can accommodate 3 500 people, and many more if one includes its courtyard and the balconies on either side. Its central dome is 24 metres across and 32 metres high, only slightly smaller than Sinan's imposing original, and the courtyard is bordered by 22 smaller domes.

Despite its size, no shortcuts have been taken when it comes to small details. The Iznik-style tiles have been used throughout the mosque's interior and exterior, some embossed, some hand-painted. The heavy, carved doors have been imported from Turkey, and lead visitors into a room that, even in its unfinished state, is almost too much for the eye to take in at once. In January, the carpet was still to arrive but Mehmet Naci Kaya, who will be the headmaster of the school and who showed the Mail & Guardian around the complex, explained that it will mirror the hand-painted decorations that adorn the dome and ceiling.

The tour guide and Uncle Ali insisted that visitors would be welcome to explore the complex, and they hoped it would become a tourist attraction and meeting place for those of many faiths and backgrounds. Mosques, after all, have always been more than places of worship.

Hidden between the domes are solar panels that provide enough electricity to power the mosque's lights and heat the water in the ablution rooms.

Full of life

While the juxtaposition between new technology and old design is probably worth noting, it was more interesting to learn about the mosque's resident pigeons, who have been encouraged to make their homes in niches around the domes to ensure that the mosque is never devoid of life, even in the middle of the night.

But what is most striking about the building, and, I suppose, should really be the most notable part of any architecture, is how welcoming it is.

There is no doubt that Uncle Ali's charm had something to do with this (he insisted on filling our pockets with sweets as we left), as did the patience with which my terrible attempts at basic Turkish conversation were tolerated.

But there is something the sanctuary of its courtyard, the generosity of its proportions, and the affection with which every detail has been produced, that leaves a visitor reluctant to leave, even if one only had the pigeons for company. Driving back to Jo'burg through endless stretches of anonymous, mass-produced and meanly-built complexes and construction projects only made this all the more obvious.

Published on Mail & Guardian Online, 24 January 2012, Tuesday

Had the Kurds believed in Said-i Kurdi, their children wouldn’t have died

2012-01-28T00:00:00.001-08:00

Meltem Gürsoy

Naim from Diyarbakir sent me a message. He says: "The Kurds would listen to you if you said something to them, because you're coming from a leftist tradition. Evil powers like PKK and KCK can't stand the approval for Gulen Movement's service for Kurds."

I've written about in the column that I've eaten Turkish doner in a Kurdish restaurant in London and that I couldn't say 'no' to a Kurdish girl's invitation for a dinner at their place.

Kurds are a community attached to their traditions. They even hold on to it in London.Today KCK and PKK do not represent Kurds. These two organizations have made Kurds suffer and brought tears to them. They have forced Kurds to betray their Turk brothers.

Frequently criticized Gulen Movement is on the path paved by a leader among the Kurds, Said-i Kurdi. Had the Kurds believed in Said-i Kurdi as much as they have believed in PKK and KCK that only make them suffer, their children wouldn't have died.

Turks gain sympathy all around the world with Said-i Kurdi's inspiration. Whereas Kurds cannot be happy as they are not able to profit from this pure source belonging to them.

Computerman from YerelGundem.com is a columnist I enjoy following. A column he wrote after feast of sacrifice affected me deeply.

Here's an interesting observation from Computerman:

"It is a uttermost showing of ingratitude to ignore a Kurdish scholar's benevolence, aid and his quality of bringing brothers together, especially when that scholar has become a worldwide symbol of brotherhood.

I couldn't greet my neighbors at this feast of sacrifice. I asked their children about their fathers' whereabouts. Apparently one's father took sacrifice meat to the city of Van. I asked the other one, his dad has gone to city of Siirt. There was a girl who looked like a barbie girl. I asked her too, his dad took meat to Şirnak.

Children were not happy, their heads were down since their fathers left them alone and took feast meat to Southeastern Turkey.

I would like to underline a truth, these people did not get feast of sacrifice meat. Their fathers have taken the meat to their Kurdish brothers. No one has brought feast meat to their children.

I thought a lot when I read this column. How come a man leaves his children alone at an feast of sacrifice and takes meat to a different city, to greet other people's children?

He leaves his child, his wife, his mom and dad and goes to city of Diyarbakır. He is doing this so that his Kurdish brothers could be happy. Unbelieveable...

This message of Naim from Diyarbakır has shown feast of sacrifice visits were not in vain. If I hadn't received this message, I would have thought Kurds couldn't comprehend the sacrifice of their Turk brothers.

There are some people who are astonished that a leftist lady is interested in Said Nursi's and Fethullah Gulen's ideas. Naim from Diyarbakır is one of them... Actually, there is nothing to be astonished. The leftism I know is in Gulen's and Nursi's ideas.

Had Sinan Cemgil and Deniz Gezmis, who came from wealthy families, met Said Nursi, they would have learned "Unarmed mind revolution" and maybe they would have realized it.

Sinan Cemgil's efforts at the Varto earthquake, including reparation of villagers' collapsed homes and working for several days in the region at no charge, are in tune with Gulen Movement's "Service".

We were affected by Said Nursi's and Fethullah Gulen's ideas and lives. The only thing we were concerned about was that they were religious.

At the Turkish Language Olympiads, I've seen that in the center of Gulen Movement there was not religion but human. This is why I try to learn about it this much. In front of me there's a man and a movement that have realized my ideas and dreams.

To me, Said Nursi and Fethullah Gulen are good leftists. Only difference is their means. Our means requires much effort and generally someone gets hurt in the end. In Said Nursi's and Fethullah Gulen's means no one gets hurt. What struck me about these movements is that they are against "violence". So I have been researching about these movements.

By now I couldn't notice a negative aspect.

Naim's message enforced my faith

Message of Naim from Diyarbakır:

Hello Mrs. Meltem,

I follow your column when I have the chance.

Your articles are really game changers since you are a leftist (in your own words).

Of course you are not the first game changer, but I believe being a lady and your unique style is the reason for this.

I believe you are doing what leftists should do in a great way.

Right now in Diyarbakir, local press and some TV channels are modifying some of Gulen's talks to defame the movement. They are pretty good at it, too. They are absolutely aware of the fact that, Gulen Movement with its emphasis on education will bring an end to these evil organizations like PKK and KCK.

I wish you and people like you, who are not from rightist tradition but still observe Gulen and Gulen Movement, would make some influential statements in the east.

Xwede ji te razi be! May God bless you!

I'm of the belief that the efforts you and people like you made for this country will not be left unreturned by God.

May God be with you...

Regards from Diyarbakır...

Naim

Published on Yerel Gundem, 10 January 2012, Tuesday
English version retrieved from Hizmet News

Ergenekon’s mass graves, Kurdish skeletons

2012-01-27T00:00:00.000-08:00

İhsan Yılmaz

It is not so easy to comprehend the intertwined and sophisticated socio-political phenomena in Turkey from an armchair or “pub table” by just talking to a few white Turks while enjoying a drink. In terms of their lifestyles, it is true that these white Turks are the most Westernized in Turkish society. Yet, if you scratch the surface and understand Western civilization as something that stems from the ideas of the Enlightenment, rationality, empathy, respect for human rights and multiculturalism, you are speaking to the wrong guys.

These guys are the ones who vigorously defend what happened in 1915, who tried to assimilate Kurds and “Turkify” them, who vehemently oppose Turkey’s entrance to the EU and have never questioned either the military coups or the militaristic Turkish political culture or the state’s oppression of anyone who chose to differ from the Kemalist ideology. Nevertheless, somehow, certain sections of Western societies, especially in the US, seem to side with these Kemalist nationalists and are easily convinced by their flawed arguments.

In recent weeks, more than 20 skeletons have been found in a former prison yard in Diyarbakır. This area was used by the notorious JİTEM, an armed wing of Ergenekon that secretly and illegally operated within the Turkish gendarmerie. Relatives have confirmed that some of the skeletons were their beloved ones who were arrested by the gendarmerie and later disappeared. Surprisingly, the Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) has not made any fuss over the findings and has largely been silent on the issue. It seems that Turkey’s process of democratization and its endeavors to tackle its dirty past do not please the Kurdish politicians and the BDP. Anyway, the white Turks who oppose the Ergenekon cases, claiming that it is a plot set by police who are allegedly affiliated with the Hizmet Movement, have not bothered to explain what these skeletons are.

Generally speaking, the Ergenekon indictments argue that rogue ultra-nationalist and ultra-Kemalist groups comprised of people from all walks of life illegally organized themselves within the state structures, especially the army. To protect their privileged interests they resorted to illegality, violence, assassinations, bombings, threats and so on. By using their media wings, they also character assassinated their enemies. Their enemies ranged from human rights advocates to journalists, such as Cengiz Çandar, Mehmet Ali Birand, Ahmet Altan and Hrant Dink, from ordinary civilian Kurds to rich Kurdish businessmen, such as Behçet Cantürk and Ömer Lütfü Topal, from religious people to democratically elected politicians.

It is true that Ergenekon is also an ideology and one cannot and should not prosecute everybody who espouses this ideology. However, Ergenekon is also an alive and kicking well-disciplined, hierarchical organization that also resorts to terrorism. Yet, it is much bigger, more sophisticated and complicated than a simple terrorist organization. Like an octopus, it has many tentacles in addition to wings and inter-connected separate chambers. It is like the Italian Gladio, but while the Italian Gladio was formed as an anti-Communist, pro-NATO organization, Ergenekon’s existence goes back to the later years of the Ottoman Empire. During the Cold War, it only cooperated with NATO but has always had its own separate rationale and ideology, which is to protect the Kemalist ideology, its state, its elite and their sole ownership of the state by whatever means needed.

Ergenekon perceived the Kurdish demands as a threat and from an Ergenekonian perspective, non-violent peaceful Kurdish, such as Kemal Burkay, were the most dangerous to deal with, without attracting Western criticism. Thus, Ergenekon helped the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) to emerge to monopolize and control the Kurdish dissent. The first work of the PKK was to silence the non-violent peaceful Kurds. After more than 30 years, Burkay is back in Turkey and the PKK is still threatening him. Both the PKK and Ergenekon continued to kill civilian Kurds, paving the way for the consolidation of the Kurdish problem. The PKK terror also helped the military to securitize every issue in the country and to constantly interfere with politics in the name of national security.

This recently uncovered mass grave is only one of the solid and concrete manifestations of the illegal deep state in Turkey, whatever you name it. Mistakes, inefficiencies and even alleged injustices during the judicial process do not suffice to prove Ergenekon’s non-existence and invalidate the countless pieces of concrete evidence. Criticisms directed towards the judicial process can only be taken seriously if the critics do not insult our intellect and imply that Ergenekon is a figment of the imagination created by the Hizmet Movement or the Justice and Development Party (AKP).

Published on Today's Zaman, 25 January 2012, Wednesday

Gülen's latest book launch celebrated at İstanbul forum

2012-01-26T00:00:00.000-08:00

Today's Zaman

Journalists, politicians and writers gathered together for a forum in İstanbul on Tuesday to mark the launch of renowned Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen's latest book, “Yaşatma İdeali,” (The Ideal to Let Others Live).

The event, organized by the Journalists and Writers Foundation (GYV), was held at the Ceylan Intercontinental Hotel. Among the participants of the event were GYV President Mustafa Yeşil, İstanbul Greek Orthodox Patriarch Bartholomew, Assyrian Catholic Church leader Chorepiscopus Yusuf Sağ, Zaman Editor-in-Chief Ekrem Dumanlı, Media Association President Salih Memecan, former Democrat Party (DP) leader Süleyman Soylu and Fatih University Rector Şerif Ali Tekalan, in addition to many high-profile journalists.

Gülen sent a message to the participants of the gathering in which he dwelled on the importance of self-sacrifice for others.

“As you will agree, a person who only thinks of himself is not a human at all, but a human with a deficiency. The way real humanity can be achieved is through self-sacrifice for others. The value of a person in the eyes of God can be measured by the level of their benevolence. The most obvious sign of a high level of benevolence is sacrificing one's personal pleasures and joys for the happiness of others,” Gülen said in his message.

A panel discussion sharing the name of Gülen's book was organized for the event. Professor Mehmet Altan, also a journalist and writer, presided over the panel. Delivering a speech to the panel, journalist Şahin Alpay talked about the contribution made by Gülen's followers through the opening of schools all around the world. He said these schools are of great benefit to humanity and will play a significant role in raising new generations.

The Gülen movement is a group of volunteers engaged in interfaith and intercultural dialogue, inspired by the ideas of Fethullah Gülen, whose teachings promote mutual understanding and tolerance between cultures. Now residing in the US, Gülen has pioneered educational activities in a number of countries, along with efforts to promote intercultural and interfaith activities around the world.

Former DP leader Soylu said, having read Gülen's latest book, it could be described as a guide for the world which diagnoses the “the diseases of this era” and proposes treatments for them.

Media Association President Memecan said: “Recently, the identity of the individual has been highlighted while being a human being has been placed on the back burner. We should not forget humanitarian values just for the sake of promoting individual identity. People are thirsty for dialogue, but despite this we have become a society in which we are alienated from each other. I have learned much from the speeches made here. It is obvious that I will learn much from the book, too.”

Professor Altan said the most difficult thing in life is to become a human being; hence intellectuals should open dialogue on the importance of being one. “The 'ideal to let others live' is a crucial concept for me, for it looks at life from above the human and accepts that humans are the most valuable and sacred beings. Culture injects into us the notions of a religion, ethnicity or a religious sect more than the feelings of humanity. We cannot cope with problems when we divide people into religions, languages and ethnicities. This panel discussion is a step forward to overcoming these problems,” he said.

Published on Today's Zaman, 25 January 2012, Wednesday

New book examines efforts to link Gülen to every probe

2012-01-25T00:02:00.000-08:00

Today's Zaman

A recently published book authored by journalist Nazlı Ilıcak tries to shed light on allegations that point to the faith-based Gülen movement as the driving force behind some ongoing trials in Turkey that aim to cleanse the country of anti-democratic formations. Ilıcak's book, “Her Taşın Altında 'The Cemaat' mi Var?” (Is the “The Movement” behind everything?), which was published by Doğan Books, has just hit bookshelves.

In the book, the journalist tries to shed light on secret attempts to cover up and manipulate the trials concerning Ergenekon, a shadowy crime network that has alleged links within the state and is suspected of plotting to topple the government, OdaTV, the Hrant Dink murder, the Action Plan Against Reactionaryism and the process leading up to the release of the April 27 military memorandum in 2007.

Through examples, she explains how all the probes and trials, which all contribute to Turkish democracy, were presented as if they were a conspiracy instigated by the Gülen movement through manipulative or misleading media reports.

The Gülen movement is a group of volunteers engaged in interfaith and intercultural dialogue inspired by the ideas of Fethullah Gülen, whose teachings promote mutual understanding and tolerance between cultures. Now residing in the US, Gülen has pioneered educational activities in a number of countries, along with efforts to promote intercultural and interfaith activities around the world.

The book has two main chapters. The first chapter examines disinformation efforts and black propaganda against ongoing trials, while the second chapter covers allegations about Gülen and Gülen’s responses about the cases filed against him in addition to interviews with the Islamic scholar.

Ilıcak explains the efforts to associate Gülen with the ongoing probes by saying, “Fethullah Gülen’s name has become a shield in the hands of everyone involved in wrongdoing.”

The journalist recalls that at a time when the probe into Ergenekon gained momentum, suspects who were detained as part of this case accused pro-Gülen elements in the police of being behind the operations.

Journalist Ahmet Şık, who was among those arrested last year as part of a probe into Ergenekon, shouted “Whoever touches him [Gülen] is doomed” when he was taken into custody. Shortly after his arrest, his lawyer, Bülent Utku, made the following comment: “My client informed us that he was arrested because of a book he had recently drafted that he is planning to name ‘İmamın Ordusu’ [The Imam’s Army], depicting how Gülen's movement is entrenched within the state.”

“Particularly during the period that started with the Feb. 28, 1997, unarmed military intervention, many books have been marketed that were used by certain parties as part of a psychological war against me. The allegations in these books were no different from the allegations raised in the courts where I was acquitted. These books were even part of the case dossier, and their contents were included in the indictments. The value of the allegations in these books is well known by the public. It is clear that it is impossible in this age of information to prevent any publication from reaching readers. It is also apparent that such attempts would only result in greater interest in the publication one sought to prohibit. Personally, I have made no appeal or complaint about the said book or its author.” These are the words of Turkish Islamic scholar Gülen. The book Gülen referred to is “İmamın Ordusu,” whose draft manuscript was prepared by journalist Şık, and included a compilation of past allegations that the Gülen movement has seized control of the Turkish state.

Ilıcak’s book also reveals the negligence of state officials in the murder case of Hrant Dink, a Turkish-Armenian who was killed in 2007 by an ultranationalist youth. A document in the book reveals that the Trabzon Police Department sent a notice to the İstanbul Police Department on Feb. 17, 2006, warning them about an assassination plot against Dink. The document has three signatures on it confirming that it was received on Feb. 18, 2006. There is also a note on the document saying, “Let’s take the suspect into protective custody; this is urgent.” Despite this note no action was taken to prevent the murder, and a fake report was prepared after the Dink assassination.

Last week, the İstanbul 14th High Criminal Court issued its ruling in the 25th hearing of the Dink murder case. Yasin Hayal and Erhan Tuncel, the main suspects, who were accused of being the instigators, and all other suspects, were cleared of charges of membership in a terrorist organization. The prosecutor and the Dink family lawyers have been accusing them of acting under orders from a clandestine criminal network suspected of having ties with senior state officials and military and police officers. Even though five years have passed since his assassination, the Dink family lawyers and civil society have long remained concerned that evidence relating to the real perpetrators of the crime is still being covered up, and even if two courts’ rulings punished the hitman and one accomplice, the public’s sense of justice will not be satisfied.

Published on Today's Zaman, 24 January 2012, Tuesday

Who is directing Turkey?

2012-01-24T00:00:00.000-08:00

Mümtazer Türköne

Vice Adm. Kadir Sağdıç, who is a suspect in the Sledgehammer (Balyoz) case and is currently being held under arrest, answers the question, “Who is running Turkey?” with the response, “We are.” The Balyoz case is one that includes numerous different conspiracies and attempted murders. And Sağdıç is one of the most important suspects in this case.

Alright, so should we be taking his assertion, “We are directing Turkey,” seriously? If we interpret these words as meaning, “We are directing important developments and discussions,” then clearly there is a larger and important reality we are facing here.

The court decision on the Hrant Dink case brought all of Turkey to its feet. The societal conscience is damaged, and it is making its feelings known. Everyone is certain that, in fact, despite the court decision, there was an organized effort involved to murder Dink. But who and what is this organization? It is known to be Ergenekon, an assertion with which few would argue. And yet, we face a certain discrepancy on this front: All of the Ergenekon supporters out there actually laid the blame on the government when the Dink decision was revealed.

The Hrant Dink case is just one example. As a basic strategy, Ergenekon aims to denigrate the justice system in general. It accuses all of the decisions coming from this system as being one-sided or unjust. It alleges that, in fact, the justice system operates under orders coming from the government. This is the same strategy implemented by likeminded opposition parties.

The Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government, with the help of developments taking place in the Ergenekon case, has been able to gain control over the influence of coup supporters in the military. The fact that 58 generals and, perhaps most importantly, a former chief of General Staff have been arrested is in itself enough of a deterrent to any future coup planners. But it is not enough to dissuade them altogether. According to some of the simple calculations made by the military on the balance of power, it would be possible to regain power if and when the ruling party changes its own calculations. After all, coup calculations and plots are not based on realistic analyses that take society or the economy as their base. For coup planners, society is something that can be directed and guided by way of psychological operations. As for the economy, this can be directed by pulling at least part of the private sector to their own side.

When one considers the various techniques used by coup plotters in creating national agendas and using psychological warfare to direct society, Vice Adm. Kadir Sağdıç’s words become clearer in terms of meaning. But then, which of the various topics on the agenda these days in Turkey are the work of coup plotters trying to run Turkey from prison? It is clear now that all the news about the chasm growing between the government and the Gülen Movement, as well as the arguments aimed at reducing the esteem and respect held for the justice system, are in fact the creations of Ergenekon supporters.

There are no actual coup conditions in place in Turkey. Even if some members of the junta were to attempt a coup and actually grab control, they wouldn’t last in power for more than a few weeks. Our rich economic and societal dynamism simply would not stand for this. At the same time though, let me remind my readers of an anecdote: A crazy man thinks he is a stalk of wheat. After a long period of treatment at a local mental hospital, he is finally persuaded that he is in fact not a stalk of wheat. As he is leaving the hospital for good, he asks his doctors, “I know now I am not a stalk of wheat. But will the chickens out there also know this?” If we were to place the coup supporters in the place of the chickens, this would kind of sum up Turkey’s situation.

It is the government that is directing Turkey. There is an atmosphere of democracy and freedom in place. For five years now, criminal groups within the state have not been carrying out mysterious murders. Basic rights and freedoms are secure. And the justice system is rendering independent decisions.

If anyone claims the opposite, he or she is simply falling victim to Ergenekon propaganda.

Published on Today's Zaman, 23 January 2012, Monday

Turkey in Uganda

2012-01-23T00:00:00.000-08:00

Mutlu Tönbekici

I've been in Uganda for the last 4-5 days to see the schools of the Gulen Movement. As my colleagues missed the flight, I'm the only one here. But this turned out to be a good thing. As they welcomed me as the most precious guest and I could visit the houses of the Turkish people working here in the Turkish schools not like a journalist but a relative from Erzurum or Manisa.

There are 160 Turks living in Uganda and the vast majority of them are the ones working in these schools and their families. They have been here since 1995. Turkish Embassy was only opened one and a half year ago. I understood that the followers of Gulen don't just run schools. Every year, they bring thousands of bureaucrats, businessmen, students and teachers here or they take them to Turkey. Just to be beneficial to Turkey, they try to pave the way for some business relations. They have worked like the unofficial representative until the embassy was opened. Now they cooperate with the embassy on several initiatives and projects.

To tell you the truth, they are not living under great conditions. It takes devotion to be here. Honestly, they suffer. Electric is unstable, so is the water, their houses are not in favorable conditions. Turkey's so far away, there was no direct flights until last year. But still the ticket prices are too high. The roads in Uganda are disastrous, streets are full of mud, well the nature is beautiful but the cities are really worn out and far from being hygienic. Despite all this, they live here with great altruism, they have babies and get them educated here. They go to the hospitals here and still they try not to complain. They are calm, patient and they live their lives not knowing whether they will go back to their homeland at all (I believe they don't even hope to). They cook some Turkish meals and turn this place into a little Turkey.

What I'm trying to say is that: one must understand the reason persuading these people to stay here and try to do something for Turkey (and of course for Islam) despite all the hardship, and the reason all millions of others to support these initiatives. It is not something, which can be explained by some ideological slogans. I'm trying to comprehend this as well.

Published [in Turkish] on Vatan Daily, 03 December 2011, Saturday
English version retrieved from Hizmet News

‘US failed to criticize anti-democratic e-memo by Turkish military’

2012-01-22T00:00:00.000-08:00

Köksal Akpınar

The US has always supported military coups d’état in Turkey. As of late, this has changed a bit, but still the US administration’s ambivalent stance when the Turkish military issued a threatening e-memorandum – that is, an anti-government declaration posted on its website – on April 27, 2007, was no attitude to be proud of, according to Yasemin Çongar, a prominent pro-democracy journalist in Turkey.

Referring to the US administration’s response to the April 27 memo, Çongar said: “They acted unethically. And I think this embarrassed them later.

They were embarrassed when the [Turkish] government stood up to the military, though they [the US] had failed to take a similar stance, and, more importantly, [they were embarrassed] by the reaction of people with democratic awareness in Turkey.”

She recently responded to questions from the Cihan Magazine, sharing her opinions on various aspects of Turkish politics and life.

Yasemin Çongar
(Photo: Kürşat Bayhan)

Çongar began her career in journalism after she met journalist-writer Müşerref Hekimoğlu at a dinner. Çongar, who started out at the Anka Agency, has done extensive reporting and interviews over the years. She has served as representative of media institutions for many years in the US and has been working as the deputy editor-in-chief at the Taraf daily since Nov. 15, 2007.

While answering our questions, Çongar elaborated on wide range of issues.

You moved from the mainstream media to a paper that has a limited readership? Why did you decide to accept their offer?

They asked whether I could be crazy, I said I could. Alev Er, Ahmet Altan and I had dinner together. They explained the paper they had in mind. It was the kind of paper I wanted to be working for. I thought we wouldn’t be able to make money; we could go bankrupt; we could have serious difficulties. I knew all this, but I also knew the limits of the mainstream media. I had been in the US for 13 years; I missed Turkey a lot, so I decided to give the project a try. What Alev and Ahmet wanted to do was something that nobody had ever tried in Turkey; for this reason, I showed no hesitation.

What kind of paper did you imagine? Do you see that dream fulfilled?

Taraf, in terms of its impact in Turkey, has been more successful than I thought it would be at the beginning. We knew that we would do something that had not been done before and that this would make a difference. But we were unsure as to whether we would be able to sustain it and survive for long. It could have been a bold but short-term attempt; from this perspective, it exceeded my dreams. We have achieved our goals. At the beginning, this served as the slogan of the paper; we were saying, “They do not tell you the truth; we will make a paper that will tell the truth.” We did this, and we are still doing it. At the same time, we had many other dreams, including making more reports, embracing life more tightly, following the world, science, technology and art and producing high quality humor.

I would like to discuss your report on the Hudson Institute in 2007. Could you give some more details on the background of this report?

I heard that there would be a Hudson meeting. One of the guests called me to say that Turkish generals would also participate. I was not invited. When I heard from some of the participants in the meeting that there had been some strange discussions over there, I called everybody I knew who had been invited. I received information from five of them, and had extensive talks with three of them. I was told that they were there to discuss a weird scenario and that there was an argument between the Americans and another general who had resigned from the army because of his involvement in the Balyoz plan [a subversive plot allegedly devised by a clique inside the military] over the Kurdistan Workers’ Party [PKK]. And I published it so that everybody would know about it.

‘Hudson report bothered Sedat Ergin’

Did you ever think that the plans discussed there would materialize?

There were two things that were weird. The first thing was the scenario itself, and the second was the PKK discussion. The Americans allegedly said: “What would happen if we capture PKK militants and surrender them [to the Turkish army]?” A Turkish general reportedly replied: “Do not do that, it would serve the Justice and Development Party’s [AK Party] interests.” That is weird, right? I published this. And of course, I also wrote about the content of the war-game scenario that would be discussed at the meeting, which was enclosed with the invitation. In that scenario, they [Turkish generals] sought to kill 50 people in a bombing incident in Beyoğlu. The scenario also said the president of the Constitutional Court would be assassinated. They wanted to test if there would be a ground offensive against Iraq [by Turkey] if this horrible scenario were to materialize. Back then, I was unaware of Ergenekon. But of course, I knew the deep state. The horrible aspect of the scenario was that it seemed impossible to implement and yet at the same time was feasible in some regards.

The General Staff made a statement after you published the report. In that statement you were actually referred to as a target. What was the approach of the Doğan Group – which has had a difficult relationship with the government in the past and has often been chastised for being pro-military -- and Milliyet, a Doğan paper and your employer at the time, after the statement?

In general, they were timid. But I said everything I could in my comments to CNN Türk. And I wrote everything I wanted to in Milliyet. Back then, Sedat Ergin was the editor-in-chief of the paper. The report bothered him. He published the report, but I think he had some doubts in his mind about whether or not to publish it. He told me, “This report could change the results of the general elections, are you aware of that?” I said, “Yes, but the report is accurate.” Sedat told me this as a careful journalist. I was sure because I had the scenario enclosed with the invitation and remarks and statements from three people. And still, I do not have any doubts.

What did you think when you saw the statement of the General Staff?

They were doing it all the time. Remember those days? The General Staff used to either ignore the reports that turned out to be true and authentic or attempt to undermine the image of the journalists who wrote the reports. They told many lies about many journalists. We all know what happened to Mehmet Ali Birand, Cengiz Çandar and Ayşe Nazlı Ilıcak. I was not surprised when they issued a specific warning for me. What surprised me was that such scenarios like the ones we mentioned were still being discussed. Scenarios are discussed all the time.

But I think that a scenario involving real people that is applicable to the situation in Turkey and gives the impression that it could be implemented by carrying out assassinations and murder of civilians is unacceptable.

‘We have an army hostile to religion’

What is the primary reason for the current state of affairs that the present coup plans were built on?

The Turkish army considered itself the owner of the country. It viewed itself as the absolute ruler. This has been changing after the coup plans, conspiracies were exposed. It did these things because it was detached from the people. It did not want the people to determine the political administration because it wanted society to remain within that fascist ideological framework, which was viewed as progressive. However, no nation can survive under that much pressure. Our army, with the indoctrination in military schools and the internal mechanism it employed, alienated itself from the people so much so that it became unable to feel the mental change in the country. We have an army that fails to appreciate that the Turkish people are transforming, which is hostile to religion. It is trained by one single pattern, and the democratic mindset does not fit into that pattern. But this is now changing. The army is being questioned. The coup plans are being questioned. Of course, the military bylaws should be changed and the mission of the military should be redefined to make sure that the military guardianship is effectively ended. The army should not be viewed as the guardian of the regime and it should have become apparent by now that its main job is to protect the country against external threats and that the military expenditures should be controllable. The military schools should have revised their curricula to focus on democracy.

Did the US play any role in the coup plans?

Yes, it did. During the Cold War, the US did not want any radical change in Turkey. They were scared that the people would become detached from the Western camp and would align with the Soviets or move in a different direction because of a Muslim awakening and that this would create an alternative to NATO and the US. It was doing its job by relying on the Turkish army. The March 12 and Sept. 12 coups received American support. The US turned a blind eye to the violations of fundamental human rights as well as the decline of democracy in the country. But the Cold War is over, and the Americans have decided to look at Turkey for who it is rather than for where it is. In other words, society comes before geography. In the past, they paid particular attention to the continuation of the guardianship regime. Now, Turkey is more important because of its society and the democratizing government. It is a secular and Muslim country that is trying to become democratic. This identity is valuable for the US. It is impossible for an institution that remains indifferent to Islam and makes it clear that it does not like democracy to stay the sole ally of the US. And another break was experienced on Sept. 11. Turkey, which, as a Muslim country, viewed itself as part of the democratic world and Western institutions, has turned into an ideal example from the American perspective.

You referred to the danger that Turkey might have moved to the side of Russia, but we have observed that the army moved to Eurasianism after the AK Party came to power. Why was that?

In the restricted partnership between the army and the US, there was no place for democracy and society. Once the Cold War was over, the US started to pay attention to democracy in Turkey. The army, on the other hand, saw that democracy was the end of its own guardianship and turned towards countries that did not pay attention to democracy like Russia and China. As a result, it detached itself from the Western institutions that were focused on promoting human rights and civilianization. Our army is one of the biggest in NATO, but its chief of General Staff is not subordinated to the defense minister. This is one of the main NATO protocols and Turkey does not observe it. I view the Eurasianism within the army as an escape from the West, democracy and popular demands. What we call Eurasianism is an isolationist view. It is an attempt to make sure that its own anti-democratic criteria are not questioned. It prefers to align with countries that will not question it.

‘Government’s response to April 27 embarrassed the US’

What is the reason for the American reluctance to adopt a strong position vis-à-vis the April 27 memo?

They could not see that the democrat mindset had matured in Turkey; they failed to appreciate that the government, the people and intellectuals would react to it. They made a big mistake. Of course, back then, there was propaganda like, “See, the modern Turkish youth in red T-shirts call the army to fulfill its mission on the streets.” The groups that we now know are part of the Ergenekon mentality used to carry out lobbying activities in the US. I think that considering the anti-government rallies and the columnists that praised those rallies, Americans thought there would be a coup in Turkey. The whole situation was presented to Washington as something led by the army that attracted the support of the people. Representatives of so-called NGOs told the US State Department that the military would not allow a person to be elected as president whose wife wore the headscarf and that a coup was imminent. In such an environment, the Americans were unable to understand whether the e-memo issued by the military had the support of the people, whether the government would oppose it or whether Turkey was at crossroads. They acted unethically, and I think this embarrassed them later. They were ashamed of the Turkish government’s response and more importantly, of the reaction by the people with democratic awareness in Turkey. Subsequently, the reality, with the anti-government rallies, became apparent. The US, which failed to adopt a strong position vis-à-vis the e-memo, expressed its support for democracy when the then-state secretary, [Condoleezza] Rice, changed her stance. After it saw the results of the July 22 elections, it had to adopt a democratic stance in respect to the presidency of Abdullah Gül. During the e-memo and presidential election process, the US was ambivalent.

‘We worked on the report on the Balyoz Coup Plan for days’

Do you think that these coup plans would have been devised had there been no change of policy in Cyprus?

Cyprus is important, but it is only one of the troubles as far as narrow-mindedness of the army is concerned. What is worse is that the military officers who were laying the ground for a coup sincerely believed that the regime would be gone, that Turkey would become another Iran, that our republican regime would collapse and that they should protect the legacy of [Mustafa Kemal] Atatürk. They were extremely ignorant and detached from the people. The coup-supporting officers believed that they were doing their job. They thought drafting reports at the [military] headquarters was their job and were doing it to protect the secular and modern state.

Could you talk about the overall situation in your paper when you received the documents from the Balyoz coup plan?

It was night; there was nobody at the paper. We were sitting with Ahmet Altan. Mehmet Baransu came in and said, “They showed me a bag of documents, I’ve taken copies of some of them -- they detail the coup plans of the first army division.” We did not hesitate as to whether we should publish them, but we had to review the documents, analyze them and find sources that would confirm them. We made a decision right away to set up a team that would work on this. Baransu’s wife was about to give birth. She was in the hospital back then. Baransu was going back and forth, while we stayed in the office; we worked many days like this.

Did you receive any reaction from your previous co-workers?

The lack of faith in this report was visible, with a few exceptions. A big slandering campaign was initiated. The present Balyoz suspects threatened Taraf on TV. After the report, they initiated a slandering campaign against my family. I signed the Balyoz report. They created Internet sites where they published lies. Part of the media wrote that nobody would believe such stupid coup plans. They would have almost argued that we, the three of us, had produced these 50,000-page-long documents and fabricated the whole story. We did not take them seriously. The originals of the documents came in and we surrendered them to the judiciary. And subsequently, similar documents were found in Gölcük and Eskişehir.

‘There are some records regarding the ‘Balyoz Plan’ which we never published”

Considering that you are still working on this, it seems that are still parts that have not been published, is that not true?

There might be some parts we missed, but we did publish everything we saw and thought was important. We turned in everything we had to the court. Of course, there are thousands of pages of indexed records that were not published. Things like various people’s family situations, private life details, who drinks and who doesn’t drink, whether so-and-so has a lover or not, does so-and-so go to mosque regularly or not; things like this. We never even considered publishing these things.

Did the “Balyoz Coup Plan” target the AK Party?

Yes, you could say this, but actually, it’s not all that important which faction it targeted. Our military, the moment they think they do not control those who have been elected enough want to take the reins in their hands, and either they intervene or keep plans for intervention just in case in a drawer somewhere.

We all remember how Alper Görmüş, the former editor in chief of the Nokta magazine, which was shut down after publishing excerpts from the diary of an admiral who wrote about the coup plans in detail as an ardent journal keeper, was left alone in that process when Nokta faced immense pressure from press prosecutors. Similarly, some media corporations ignored it when Taraf exposed the coup plan titled Sledgehammer (or Balyoz in Turkish), which was prepared by a group of army officers in 2003. What do you think is the reason for this?

We are very familiar with that reflex. Today some journalists still write in their columns without any shame that they assessed the election results with generals at the General Staff. A part of the media has always had close relations with the army. When the Taraf daily showed up and did something different in Turkey, a country where people who consider the army’s intervention in politics usual, who aren’t bothered by such interventions and who have never thought that a different kind of journalism may exist, are abundant in the media. Many of our friends have said to us, “We never thought that such a thing could be done in Turkey.” But it can be done. It seems that the reason why such a thing didn’t take place earlier is slightly because Turkey was underestimated. In addition to Taraf, Nokta was another example of the fact that such a thing could be done in Turkey. There is the fear that some may oppress us and that some may walk over us. However, at Taraf, there are more of us and we are stronger than our friends working at Nokta. Alper Görmüş was really alone. He had young friends with him but the support of media behind him was little and the publishers of Nokta couldn’t stand firm. We have a publisher who really stands firm. We have a publisher who doesn’t interfere in anything in terms of journalism and stands behind the work that we do. We are very lucky.

‘My husband isn’t a CIA agent, he is a CIA enemy’

In the meantime did you receive any threats that may endanger your life?

I received some threats but I don’t care about such things. I was just mad at what was done to my husband. Since he really had nothing to do with the CIA and can even be considered a CIA enemy and an opponent of America when his studies are taken into consideration; the campaign launched against him was actually very ridiculous. A person who has nothing to do with Turkey was targeted just because his wife works at Taraf. They thought they were denigrating me but actually they made the father of a little child the target and both endangered his life and also caused him distress. That isn’t something I can approve of. When a denigration campaign is kept on a personal basis, it is easier to deal with and it just distresses you. Moreover, if you know who is behind this campaign, you don’t care much about it. But the fact that such a thing was done to a foreigner who has no idea about the balances in Turkey and the actors in power in Turkey made me sick.

Following the 10th wave of Ergenekon detentions, which would have included former İstanbul Mayor Bedrettin Dalan had he not fled to another country, and during which many generals were detained and new coup plots were seized, the operations were interrupted for some reason. Why is that?

I don’t have the exact information about it, but according to my predictions now in terms of the Ergenekon investigation, it needs to be expanded to extend to much higher officials within the state and to the National Intelligence Organization (MİT), the heart of the state. On that note, the prosecution may be having difficulty getting information and there may be hesitation about contacting some of the intelligence agents on duty. The political will isn’t very encouraging on this issue.

What is Dalan’s role within Ergenekon?

I don’t know but I wouldn’t be surprised if he had a high position. The fact that he has fled the country makes one think he had a lot of responsibility in Ergenekon.

Could there be an operation to investigate higher officials suspected of having connections to Ergenekon?

There could be, there must be and one day there definitely will be.

How much of the media has been proven to have links to Ergenekon?

By reading and watching what is going on in the media, we see everyday that the Ergenekon mindset is very common in the media. I don’t know how many such people established an organic relationship with this corrupt organization that made assassination plans and terrorism plots and blacklisted people and carried out disinformation campaigns. I don’t know how many of them were questioned.

Do you think the fact that MİT and the army won’t the information they have on Ergenekon with the prosecutors has an impact on the fact that the investigation can’t go further?

Yes. The majority of the top brass in the General Staff and MİT are still immune. But questioning former police chief Mehmet Eymür and former MİT officer Yavuz Ataç as part of an investigation into unsolved murders may be a milestone.

Considering the Ergenekon indictment and the evidence, we can see that there are strange and complicated ideological and deep-rooted connections. Intricate links exist that extend from nationalist figures to neo-nationalist groups led by Dopu Perinçek [head of the Workers’ Party (İP) who is in jail as an Ergenekon suspect] from the business world to illegal leftist organizations and the PKK. What is the common point that these extremely different poles agree on?

You are talking about the shell, the guise, the mask. If you scrape the paint from the actors from these varying backgrounds that you mentioned, the same chauvinist and fascist face is revealed.

Is there a difference between the government’s determination to investigate the Ergenekon case and its determination in other gang operations? Do you think the government stopped fighting against gangs for a while?

The government is going through a period of recession. I hope this recession won’t affect the fight against gangs and I hope it won’t effect the prosecution, which is carrying out this fight effectively.

Former leader of the Republican People’s Party (CHP) Deniz Baykal spearheaded the ones who reacted strongly against the Ergenekon investigation. How do you perceive Baykal’s attitude and the scandal that he was involved in later?

Baykal protected the Ergenekon mindset and the Ergenekon defendants on all occasions and in the end he found Ergenekon watching him in his bedroom. What was done to Baykal was a totally immoral.

Thousands of people were judged in the Gladio investigation in Italy. Ergenekon is considered to be the biggest operation ever in the history of Turkish Republic. However, the number of those jailed pending trial doesn’t exceed 100. Isn’t that a contradiction?

For me, apart from very exceptional cases, Ergenekon defendants should be released by the court pending trial but of course serious precautions must be taken to ensure the defendants don’t flee. Although the Ergenekon case is being conducted more quickly compared to many other cases, there are defendants involved in the case that we should consider innocent until proven guilty. But they have been in jail for three years. I can’t consider this situation normal. The Gladio investigation took six years and only when Prosecutor Felice Casson was able to look in the archives of the Italian intelligence organization, could he understand the extent of the organization. We still cannot enter these archives in Turkey. We will consider the issue again once the archives are made accessible.

Why do you think the media, which was highly investigative in 1996 following the Susuruluk affair and revealed shady alliances between the police force, politicians and the criminal world, has failed to show the same courage in the Ergenekon investigation?

A part of the media is afraid of the Ergenekon investigation. I suppose there are journalists that are well aware of the plans they were part of in the past by negotiating with certain people, and I suppose these journalists are afraid that prosecutors may proceed in the investigation and discover documents implicating them. The majority of the media hopes the Ergenekon case will be closed so they can rest easy.

What are the differences between the media in Turkey during the Feb. 28 period and the current media?

The army is no longer a taboo. At least a part of the press has taken its epaulettes off. Additionally, now the journalists that have never worn uniforms and put on epaulettes have a stronger voice.

‘AK Party caused media to get sick’

What do you think the biggest problem with our media is? There are people who are very concerned about the future of democracy and free media in Turkey. What are you’re your thoughts about the future?

The biggest problem with the media is not being independent. The relations of media bosses with the government, army and various foundations are detrimental to the decisions of the newspaper and television administrators. At one end, there is a group of people competing with each other to flatter the prime minister and who consider what the prime minister says to be an order. At the opposite end are the ones who sometimes look to the army, sometimes to Ergenekon, sometimes to politicians, sometimes to the PKK and sometimes to the economic crisis in order to strike a blow to the government. The AK Party has caused the media to get sick. The pro-AK Party media isn’t the kind of media that clears the way for the party by criticizing it whenever necessary and that guides and directs the party. As for the media against the AK Party, they have a pathological hostility towards the party. We know about the shortsighted executive editors who have deceived their bosses telling them, “I swear there will be a coalition between the CHP and the MHP [Nationalist Movement Party] at the end of this election,” for years. We know that all those writers who were mistaken in their predictions called the public “jar heads.” But the current media is more diverse, it has more varied tendencies than the previous media. In spite of everything, I am hopeful about the future.

‘Gülen movement doesn’t pay us’

There has been hearsay claiming the Gülen movement supports the Taraf daily. Are the rumors true?

There is no such support either financially or emotionally. I guess among the staff of our newspaper I am the only one who has met Fethullah Gülen personally. And that happened while I was working at the Milliyet daily years ago because of an interview. But you know, many things have been claimed about us, “We take money from Soros,” “We take money from Gülen,” “We are a project of the CIA,” etc. Considering these claims that we get that much money, I can’t see why we are this poor.

What is your opinion about the Gülen movement?

When you say the Gülen movement, you refer to a very large group of people. I don’t think it is a very homogeneous structure. I don’t just have one single idea about the people that come to my mind when I say “the Gülen community.” I know many different people who are involved with the Gülen movement. Among them, I have very good friends and there are also people I don’t like that much. I think some parts, some activities and some members of the movement are closer to me while others or more distant from me.

Whose idea was the headline ‘A prime minister befitting his general,’ which accompanied a story criticizing PM Erdoğan, who Taraf said was acting like then-Chief of General Staff Gen. Yaşar Büyükanıt and angrily denying any flaws in intelligence or security that caused the deaths of 17 soldiers in a terrorist attack on a military outpost in 2008?

I guess it was a co-production. I remember that Ahmet Altan really wanted this headline but I don’t remember whether this idea actually belonged to him or who came up with the idea first in the editorial department. I think it was a very proper and suitable headline.

The prime minister sued Altan several times but then he dropped all his complaints. What do you think about this?

I think the prime minister doesn’t like being criticized. Yes, Ahmet Altan criticized [Recep Tayyip] Erdoğan a lot. But the speech of the prime minister that caused Ahmet Altan to write such an article was a bitter pill to swallow. It was an unfair speech that sailed into Altan’s family. I think Ahmet Altan gave the best answer he could. The prime minister shouldn’t have filed any complaints against him. He just digs himself into a hole by being bothered by things like caricatures of him and by trying to get writers sentenced.

What kind of a portrait do you have in your mind about the prime minister?

I like his authenticity. I think he does very brave things but it seems he has reached the limits of his bravery and vision. I think if he had taken many of the steps he should have taken, Turkey would be in a better position today. Erdoğan did many things to democratize Turkey; he launched serious reforms but he couldn’t take the big steps daringly that would institutionalize these reforms. It is apparent that he stopped in terms of the Kurdish initiative. I hope the social dynamic that made the prime minister what he is now will be effective in the course of drafting the new constitution rather than populist opportunism. Although I respect the many things he has done, I don’t think the prime minister can catch up with that social dynamic.

Published on Sunday's Zaman, 22 January 2012, Sunday

I am afraid 2012 will not be easy

2012-01-21T00:00:00.000-08:00

Emre Uslu

When the Justice and Development Party (AKP) received 50 percent of the votes in the 2011 election and came to power by promising to make a new constitution, expectations were raised to expect a transformation of the system. But if you consider the aftermath of the elections, one cannot help thinking that it will be good if we just avoid having any troubles in 2012. What reasons are there to be so pessimistic?

1) The AKP government no longer responds to reasonable calls, with the exception of a group of people who contradict its own support base. You have to be naïve to be hopeful for an administrative approach where fairness has been replaced by nepotism. In addition, the AKP now makes every step by considering their plans for 2014. Three teams within the party are working tirelessly to make sure that their candidates become the next prime minister. Therefore it will not be wrong to argue that Erdoğan’s AKP is a lame duck. In this case it will be unrealistically optimistic to expect that the AKP would take even the most basic steps, let alone a reformist agenda.

2) It seems that the AKP has been in process of changing alliances. We now see people, who were strongly opposed to the AKP in the past, working with powerful actors in the AKP. The media outlets that did not previously support the AKP do not hesitate to approach the party for favors, and the AKP responds to their requests. Note that criticisms have recently come from media outlets that were considered supporters of the AKP in the past. Some even lost their jobs because of these criticisms. The AKP and its former enemies now sing the same song. The process of changing partners is not easy for the ruling party. A lot of problems may emerge in this process; for this reason, it seems that 2012 will not be easy.

3) Turkish foreign policy is even more complicated. Iran has been playing old-style Persian games. Some organizations that have been silent have recently started to wake up and issue declarations, as if they have been resurrected. A group close to Iran claimed responsibility for the attack against Turkey’s embassy in Baghdad. The list of these groups are the Al Quds Warriors, which murdered Uğur Mumcu, Muammer Aksoy, Bahriye Üçök and Tawhid-i Salam; reliable reports indicate that these groups have decided to regain their influence. The professional bomber of the Al Quds Warriors, who made the bomb that killed Uğur Mumcu, has not yet been caught. Considering that they are extremely professional, it could be argued that these groups will pose serious threats.

4) During this process the PKK will intensify its attacks as a separate actor. At this point Abdullah Öcalan’s most recent message is important: “The situation is pretty delicate; it is not proper to hold new negotiations.” Most probably, Öcalan may expect that this message will raise tension in the streets of Diyarbakır, where people showed their anger in response to allegations that he was mistreated in prison. To this end, it is a known fact that the PKK would like to intensify its attacks in the near future. But the PKK, which is unable to mobilize people on the streets because of the KCK operations, will act swiftly to use the recent move of Öcalan to advance its goal, as a last resort. To this end, PKK supporters would appear in pro-Kurdish media to give the message that Öcalan suffers from solitude and mistreatment in prison. This may cause turmoil in the southeast. For this reason, 2012 will not be easy.

5) We are nearing the end of the Ergenekon case (the first indictment). On the other hand, Ergenekon is reorganizing itself. It is a known fact that the Ergenekon network has worked tirelessly to ensure that it is not labeled as a terrorist organization. To this end, some statements by the government should be taken into consideration. But it will be a surprise if the courts do not define Ergenekon as a violent organization based on the evidence they have. (Well, we observed that surprise in the Hrant Dink case). In this case, it should be noted that Ergenekon might be active or stage attacks SURE in 2012.

6) As I noted already, the shady elements inside the Tactical Mobilization Group, a military unit, that was being reorganized after its activities were ceased in connection with allegations that some of its members attempted to assassinate a deputy prime minister, have finished reorganizing. These units may become operative again. In this case, it is not be wrong to argue that additional attacks will be made.

7) Recently, an artificial discussion has been started regarding a religious community (the Gülen movement). I follow this discussion with great concern. I know the background of this discussion well. False propaganda has been disseminated to manipulate public opinion. This propaganda is preparation for future operations. The public discussion on missionaries that was initiated in 2004 and 2005 is a good example of this. Back then the public was told that there was church in every building, while nothing of this sort was true. This propaganda resulted in the murder of missionaries and Hrant Dink. Today such an environment is being created for the Gülen movement and this misinformation probably seeks to lay the ground to ensure that attackers like Ogün Samast and Yasin Hayal assault members of Gülen movement. This process is like a Gladio sword, which has two sharp sides. The groundwork is being laid to ensure that both Kurdish and Turkish nationalists attack this community. For this reason I am worried about 2012.

8) More importantly, when you write the sort of warnings that I write, people seek an ulterior motive. And this worsens the situation. This is the actual reason for why I am worried about 2012.

Published on Today's Zaman, 20 January 2012, Friday

Minister: PKK is uneasy with Gülen's followers as they communicate with civilians

2012-01-20T00:04:00.000-08:00

Today's Zaman

(Photo: Aksam)

Akşam: The daily covered an interview with Agriculture Minister Mehdi Eker in its lead story. “The Kurdistan Workers’ Party [PKK] is uncomfortable with my speaking Kurdish. They want politicians who do not know Kurdish so that the PKK can say that the government is foreign to us and does not know anything about our culture. However, I will continue with my attempts to communicate with Kurds because now is the time that communication is of the utmost importance,” said Eker. He added that the PKK is also uneasy with the existence in "their" region of followers of Fethullah Gülen, an Islamic scholar. Eker highlighted that Gülen’s followers’ aim is to communicate with civilians in the region and that this is the last thing the PKK wants.

Excerpted from Press Roundup on Today's Zaman, 16 January 2012, Monday

Turkish school to open many new branches in Egypt

2012-01-20T00:00:00.000-08:00

Anadolu Agency

The Turkish school, which is regarded as one the best schools in Egypt, currently has two branches in Cairo and Beni Suef with 1000 students.

Turkish Salahaldin International School plans to open ten new branches within three years in Egypt, the school's director general has said.

The Turkish school, which is regarded as one the best schools in Egypt, currently has two branches in Cairo and Beni Suef with 1000 students.

"We are planning to open 10 new branches in Alexandria, Sharm el Sheikh, Al Faiyum, Tanta, Al Zagazig, Al Mansura and in 6th of October City within the next three years. And our target is to enroll 8 thousand students in the country," Orhan Keskin told the Anadolu Agency.

Keskin said the new branches would employ 1,500 instructors and assistant staff.

Published on World Bulletin, 18 January 2012, Wednesday

Dink verdict: Border between state and deep state fades away

2012-01-19T00:00:00.001-08:00

İhsan Yılmaz

Five years ago, in my column on Jan. 21, 2007, a few days after Hrant Dink’s assassination, I wrote, “Turkey desperately needs to quash the deep state, mythical or real.

The usual suspects, including retired bureaucrats, could and should be effectively surveilled, prosecutors can and should be as courageous and vigilant as they were in prosecuting Dink and many others who threatened Turkishness or the Turkish state by expressing their opinions. The government can and should overcome Şemdinli syndrome.” Unfortunately, the recent court verdict on the Dink case only confirmed that we have been miserably disappointed in regard to all of the above expectations.

It is not an exaggeration to argue that the state, with this court verdict, killed Hrant Dink for the second time. My use of the term “the state” might be bothersome, but I believe we are all entitled to use it after the court judgment. Let me explain why I feel this way. Five years ago, we suspected this was the work of the deep state or, to use today’s terminology, Ergenekon. We were not sure at that time. But then the Ergenekon case showed that the deep state in fact existed. Then, with the Cage plan, which is being tried now, too, showed us Ergenekon referred to the Dink assassination as an “operation.” Journalist Adem Yavuz Arslan’s diligent work on the case, “There is this Armenian,” showed very clearly that deep-state elements within the gendarmerie orchestrated the assassination by not only manipulating but also guiding and helping the youngsters. The police were trapped by the deep state, and others were negligent for some reason. Some rogue elements within the National Intelligence Organization (MİT) were also involved. The security forces knew that Dink was in danger, but they did nothing to protect him. After the assassination, there was a psychological campaign to make people believe it was just the work of youngsters emotionally aroused by nationalism.

Besides, some journalists such as Nedim Şener worked carefully to put the blame squarely on the shoulders of the police and tried to clear the gendarmerie, which was the main culprit. The police were at fault in failing to protect him, but the deep-state section of the gendarmerie was the main organizer, a fact that was carefully omitted by Şener, who is now an Ergenekon suspect.

Until then, we could argue this was the work of the deep state, not the state. However, in later stages, the state has been involved. First, we did not have the same enthusiasm as the prosecutors, who were very active in prosecuting Dink. The courts for a long time resisted unifying different, related cases into the same case. The police, unlike its usual anti-Ergenekon activism, was not enthusiastic about the Dink case. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) politicians boasted that it was a matter of honor to unearth the rogue elements behind the assassin, but in practice, they did very little. For instance, it was not possible to question the MİT as the politicians did not allow it. Then, in the light of all this, came the last blow. The judges rejected the prosecutor’s and suspect Erhan Tuncel’s claim it was the work of a terror organization. Normally, our judges love to try any group of three to four armed people as a terrorist organization. In this case, there were at least 18 interlinked suspects, but the court claimed it was the work of a few independent individuals. Of course, there is still the Supreme Court of Appeals (Yargıtay), and things may change. Yet, as of now, we can argue the state has turned a blind eye to the deep state, to say the least, in the Dink case.

It must also be noted how amazingly this pro-deep state verdict has been manipulated and turned around to attack the integrity of the other courts that are dealing with the Ergenekon case. With a simple but definitely distorted logic, pro-Ergenekonians say, “Look, the Dink court is corrupt so all other courts must be.” Ergo, the Ergenekon case is based on a myth, not a reality. The psychological campaign of the pro-Ergenekon groups is so brazen that Dani Rodrik, the son-in-law of Sledgehammer suspect Gen. Çetin Doğan, wrote on Twitter the public should be prepared to see, upon the Dink verdict, the Hizmet (Gülen) Movement’s media claim Ergenekon was not tackled but protected with the Dink verdict. While Rodrik was writing this, Turks from all sorts of ideological backgrounds were blaming on social media the court as being pro-Ergenekon. Despite this obvious fact, Rodrik was simply helping, consciously or not, the psychological campaign that says the Ergenekon case is an invention of the Hizmet Movement and no one else supports the cases. Funnily enough, the European Commission has constantly supported the cases. They must be part of the Hizmet movement! Last but not least, the onus of cleaning up this mess is on the shoulders of the politicians if we are talking about a democratic state. If not -- and the AKP claims there are still some deep-state elements -- then it must ask some of its ministers who keep talking against the Ergenekon case openly or behind the closed doors not to play games.

Published on Today's Zaman, 18 January 2012, Wednesday

Universalistic aspect of the Gülen Movement

2012-01-18T00:00:00.000-08:00

fgulen.org

Are norms and values in the Gülen Movement modified according to varying circumstances?

Varying circumstances do not result in modifications to norms and values in the Gülen Movement.

Its norms and values have held steady over time, so that the Gülen Movement has not suffered or changed as a result of crisis or conflict in society, nor in the face of other new developments, but instead has become stronger. This is different from political movements, in which self-interest and cost–benefit calculations do indeed generally lead to modification of norms.

The Gülen Movement has been able to respond to new developments, the requirements of the contemporary world, and its emergent realities. It has been able to defend or define the meaning of its action with respect to its constant norms and values. So far, no event has provoked any crisis in any area of normative regulation (a change of values) throughout the Movement. Analyzing a collective action such as the Gülen Movement through the lens of self-interest and cost–benefit calculations, or conflicts over allocation of goods in the political market, without referring to symbolic, normative and higher values and meaning, is a reductionist approach. This kind of reductionist approach can reveal little about the Gülen Movement. The altruism and personal dedication to valued causes which are visible in the Gülen Movement are real and cannot be reduced to self-interest.

What makes the Gülen Movement universalistic?

It is universalistic because of the type of goals it pursues, the way its institutions and services are managed, the place and weight it gives to socialization, and because it is adaptive and progressive while benefiting from common wisdom.

The Movement is universalistic because it does not seek advantages only for its participants or constituents but strives to benefit society as a whole.

Overcoming the risk of internal conflicts and fragmentation in the Gülen Movement

2012-01-17T00:00:00.000-08:00

fgulen.org

How likely are fragmentation and schisms in the Gülen Movement?

Fragmentation and schisms are unlikely to form in the Gülen Movement for several reasons: the Gülen Movement does not have an ideology; its worldview or belief system is not dogmatically attached to some fixed orthodoxy of interpretation of values and ideals handed on from the past; it is not closed to fresh presentation of its own near reference-tradition or to ideas originating outside that tradition; neither is it closed to new formulations and practices that open up a large common source of compatible values and ideals between different traditions.

Gülen and the Movement are not occupied with dogmatic views, but with values such as compromise, stability, protection of the life, honor and dignity of the human being, dialogue and consultation and justice, equity, and human rights. It follows that the Movement’s SMOs cannot be demanding a return to the original purity of ideology, or something of that sort.

For its long-sustained positive, constructive and non-confrontational activism, the Gülen Movement relies on the social cohesiveness or unity of ideas, means and goals of its diverse participants. It does not rely upon an exclusivist solidarity that separates some of them from others or all of them from wider society and the world. What always matters most is not the numbers of participants but the quality of their inner commitment to the meaning of voluntary, altruistic service as broadly understood within the Movement.

Does the choice of projects ever cause internal conflict in the Gülen Movement?

Conflicts can also arise in a movement because of lack of internal communications and co-operation, lack of fairness in distribution of resources and incentives; deprivation of certain individuals; the imposition of unrealistic, unpromising or obsolete perspectives or projects; and because of increased personal or collective risks.

In the Gülen Movement, however, participants belong to many social networks as well as taking part in particular service-projects. Also, participants have access to mass communication about the activities and values of the Movement through the media and press organs. The Gülen Movement, therefore, does not lack resources for communication. It does not lack opportunities to pursue different but complementary strategies. It is able to provide its participants with new explanations or perspectives for any emergent realities.

The localization of projects and collective decision making prevent feelings of unfairness about resources and incentives, thwart the imposition of unrealistic or obsolete projects, and avert any potential risk taking. For all these reasons, internal conflicts become unlikely in the Gülen Movement.

How does the Gülen Movement overcome the risk of internal conflicts and factionalism?

The Gülen Movement is not an exclusivist and ideological organization or movement. It does not rely on symbolic incentives such as a sacred cause, revolutionary brotherhood, or martyrdom. That kind of reliance increases the risk of internal conflicts and factionalism.

The Gülen Movement does not have a doctrinal orthodoxy, is not an exclusivist organization, and has not suffered any internal disagreement over tactics, goals, or personalities. Also, as the different networks have specific tasks and interests and respond in different ways to the pressing needs of the environment, they do not compete for power. Moreover, as solidarity is not a goal and is not artificially generated, so it cannot be exploited to form factions.

In service networks there is little significant differentiation of hierarchical roles, and the parameters of projects and rewards for them do not differ a great deal. Furthermore, the tasks which require functional specialization are already carried out by professionalized individuals or networks for the SMOs. People in the Gülen Movement co-operate for reasonable, feasible and promising projects which are selected after extensive consultation. So participants do not delude themselves with impractical projects or passing whims. The Movement has for years tested, proved and learned from their projects, including all kinds of educational efforts and institutions. In the context of the Movement, therefore, groups of participants cannot and do not abruptly break away and launch into uncharted waters.

In short, the processes of consultation, networking and professionalization prevent the emergence of tensions and factions in the Gülen Movement.

Foreign Policy's emotional and biased journalism on Turkey

2012-01-16T00:00:00.000-08:00

İhsan Yılmaz

On Jan. 11, 2012, Foreign Policy magazine published a piece titled “Behind the Bars in the Deep State” by Justin Vela.

The piece is neither objective nor accurate. It is one-sided and biased. It is also prejudicial against the Hizmet (Gülen) movement. It fails to give a balanced picture of Turkish politics and democracy and thus betrays its readers. Here are my specific reasons why:

The first sentence of the piece which is in much bigger font refers to Fethullah Gülen as a “shadowy mullah.” Is “shadowy” an objective or unbiased adjective to use for Gülen? His personality and ideas are known by almost everyone in Turkey and he is always a part of discussions and debates in the public sphere, but he is still shadowy? I find this usage strange, to say the least. Then, what about the word “mullah”? Is it an objective term in Western media and its audience or does it bring to mind “mad mullahs” and all these anti-civilization archetypes? The piece also refers to him as an “Islamist,” which I will discuss as well. But before that, let me ask what has happened since Aug. 13, 2008 when Foreign Policy together with Prospect magazine announced Gülen as the top public intellectual? I ask this since at that time FP referred to Gülen using objective adjectives, either as a cleric or an Islamic scholar, not with loaded terms such as Islamist or mullah. So let me ask again, what happened between Aug. 13, 2008 and Jan. 11, 2012? Why is this a huge change?

Let us look at the term “Islamist”; unfortunately, it in not a neutral academic term. When you refer to someone as Islamist, you most probably mean that he is a dodgy guy who wants to end democracy and establish a sort of dictatorship. Is there even a shred of evidence that would suggest that Gülen is against democracy? Has he established a political party so that he would be labeled Islamist? Or is he offering daily political solutions based on Islam? Voicing one's concerns in the public sphere, lobbying governments, etc. do not make one political. If you loosely define politics then everybody is a politician. Then who is a non-political person and just a member of civil society? If you claim that it simply refers to socially active and organized Muslims, then why do we need the term Islamist? If you empty the content of the term Islamist that refers to a post-19th century anti-Western modern phenomenon, then you need to call every practicing Muslim, including the Prophet (PBUH) an Islamist. What is more, there are hundreds of academic papers and books on Gülen and they concur that Gülen is not an Islamist. So why does FP deliberately use such a loaded term? Or is it ignorance?

'Thousands in detainment'

Vela also states that “in the past two years, thousands of citizens who have voiced criticism of the government have been detained.” This is really unbelievable and inaccurate to say the least. FP wants its readers to believe that the Turkish government simply imprisons anyone who criticizes it. So how come all these opposition deputies, not only the current ones but former ones, in addition to many journalists, writers, intellectuals, artists, etc. who are also critics of the government are not in prison? Do they not criticize the government? Or is Vela claiming that those who are imprisoned criticize the government more effectively than the opposition deputies? Then who are those people? Is there one single piece of concrete evidence that their criticism made the government fearful of them? Before the Ergenekon case the Justice and Development Party (AKP) received 47 percent of the votes and in 2011 it received 50 percent. Why would it bother to imprison these suspects based on fake evidence just because it fears their criticism? It is on the contrary, those imprisoned suspects became more vocal after they were put behind bars. Several of them keep publishing anti-AKP books. More importantly, why does FP not give an honest and accurate picture of the Ergenekon terrorist organization case? The European Union states on every occasion that the case is an opportunity for the consolidation of Turkish democracy. Why does FP not mention that the majority of the suspects are not intellectuals or journalists, but men with weapons -- either military officers or gang men? Why does FP never mention the concrete evidence found against the suspects, their fingerprints on weapons, their legally wiretapped conversations, the handwritten maps of buried weapons, several confessions even by full four-star generals and so on?

There may be some faults and mistakes in the indictments or in the judicial process that need to be criticized, but this can only be done by giving a complete and objective picture of the cases and a bigger picture of the fragile Turkish democracy that suffered heavy blows by coups in every decade. But FP readers are not informed on these very vital historical facts and background information. FP readers were not even informed that as late as April 27, 2007, the military threatened the government with a coup in order to prevent someone with a headscarved wife being elected as president. FP does not mention that Turkish democracy was so fragile because of the military thereat that opposition parties did not attend the presidential election in Parliament because of fear and prominent Republican People's Party (CHP) politicians, such as Onur Öymen, supporting the military against the AKP. Even some liberal columnists, such as Taha Akyol on CNN Türk, asked the AKP government to resign, instead of siding with the democratically elected government against the threatening generals.

The FP piece then frames Ahmet Şık's case. I use the academic term framing deliberately as FP does not give a full account of freedom of speech in Turkey, but by only framing one or two cases wants its readers to believe that every critic of the government or the Hizmet movement is sent to jail.

There are many problems in Turkey with regards to freedom of speech, free journalism, judicial processes, judges' inclination to side with the state against liberties and rights, their habit of imprisoning suspects, long detention periods (on this see the most recent Fair Trials International [FTI] report on EU countries' terrible record) and so on. We also criticize these issues and keep asking the government to modify legislation in line with the EU acquis. However, the full picture also tells us that Turkey has become more democratized under the AKP rule during the last 10 years despite a few mistakes and its recent Euro-fatigue for which not only the AKP but also the increasingly right-wing EU under the leadership of Nicolas Sarkozy and Angela Merkel should be blamed.

A ‘high profile detainee'

Vela refers to Şık as “one of the country's most high-profile detainees,” but fails to add that he has became high profile after he was detained. I have been reading papers for about three decades, but I only heard his name after he was prosecuted. At the time of prosecution he was unemployed and as far as the public was concerned he was an unknown quantity. There are several more high-profile critics of the Hizmet movement, such as Mehmet Şevket Eygi who keeps writing that the movement signed a secret agreement with the Vatican to Christianize Turkey or Sheikh Haydar Baş in whose media outlets Gülen is portrayed as a secret cardinal of the pope. Or Emin Çölaşan who wrote that Gülen does not know Arabic but murmurs some meaningless words and his “idiot” listeners think that he knows Arabic. Newspapers such as Cumhuriyet, Sözcü, Milli Gazete, Yeni Çağ, Yeni Mesaj, etc. are filled with anti-Gülen insults and nothing happens to them. There are several columnists in the Doğan media group who constantly criticize either the Hizmet movement or AKP and they continue to write these things. Bookshops' windows are full of anti-Gülen books that claim that he is either a CIA agent or a secret Khomeini, etc. Some of these books claim that Gülen has an army that is the police force. As a matter of fact, Şık's book is based on these widely available books and actually Şık's book does not contain anything new. Several rival police factions within the police have always blamed each other for being followers of Gülen. These allegations are documented in official reports but sides could not prove anything. Several books have been published on these reports. For instance, Sözcü columnist Saygı Öztürk's book is more comprehensive than Şık's book. Nothing happened to Saygı Öztürk and on the contrary he appeared on a debate program on the movement's Samanyolu TV. Why would the movement that operates in about 140 countries target an unknown, uninfluential and unemployed journalist just because of a book that contains nothing new and harm its international reputation?

Vela writes that Gülen's followers “have established themselves in top positions within Turkey's bureaucracy, police force, and judiciary.” Yet, it does not say that this is just an allegation. Moreover, there are millions of people in Turkey who like and respect Gülen. Should they not work in the state? Are they not full and equal citizens? You may ask why even one of them does not openly say they like Gülen. Then you need to tell your readers that in this country bureaucratic oligarchy is still trying to eliminate practicing Muslims from the state. Former President Ahmet Necdet Sezer used to get help from doormen to learn if a candidate's wife covered her head. It is not a myth that state officials would go and check the garbage of candidates to see if they drank alcoholic beverages. If they could NOT find beer or wine bottles, that was a bad sign. Yes we now have the AKP government but what will happen next as the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and CHP keep talking about revenge? In short, the oligarchy oppresses people so they prefer to hide their religious, ethnic and lingual identity, then turns back and blames them, claiming that “if you are hiding something, then you must be a bad guy.” Why does FP not question why, in a country where about 30-40 percent of people say their prayers, there is not even one military officer who could say their daily prayers? Why does it not inform their readers about Professor İskender Pala's book “Between Two Coups,” his personal life story on how he was oppressed in the military after he was “caught” praying in his office and eventually evicted without trial and without any pension rights. There are thousands like him.

The FP piece claims that because of the movement Turkey is becoming a less free country but neither mentions nor explains the following “dilemma”: If the movement hates freedoms, liberties and criticism why it is still the biggest champion of the EU process, transparency and accountability of the state and a new democratic constitution?

If FP is honestly curious about liberties and freedoms in Turkey and wants to do accurate reporting then why does it not ask the opinions of liberal democrats, such as Cengiz Çandar, Mehmet Ali Birand, Hasan Cemal, Taha Akyol, etc., and also Armenian intellectuals, such as Etyen Mahçupyan and Markar Esayan who criticize the government whenever they see a need and are not participants of the movement or the Ergenekon cases.

Published on Sunday's Zaman, 15 January 2012, Sunday

Gulen Movement and global issues: In what way does the world 'need' a movement like the Gülen Movement?

2012-01-15T00:00:00.000-08:00

fgulen.org

In what way does the world 'need' a movement like the Gülen Movement?

The circumstances in which we live today necessitate a far better educated, fairer and more peaceful world and the co-operation of civilizations.

The Gülen Movement makes continual investment and conducts a continual search for individual and institutional improvement and development. It works by consensual decision making, rotation of chairmanships in managerial positions, and supervision and inspection of SMOs by boards. It pays due attention to expertise and good counsel. Its participants come together to build and maintain effective and efficient SMOs that meet local needs in many different societies worldwide.

The world seems likely to continue to need human efforts like those of the Gülen Movement. Gülen’s thought, which inspires the work of the Gülen Movement, offers intellectual and spiritual resources that help people to meet the challenges of living in the modern world.

Does the Gülen Movement claim to deliver overall transformation in systemic or global issues?

The Gülen Movement does not advance an unrealistic claim to deliver overall transformation in systemic or global issues.

However, its collective action responds, and offers workable solutions, to the local problems and issues which arise from systemic inefficiencies and global concerns. The self-reflexive capacity, competence and efficiency of the Movement give the Gülen Movement the potential to address and tackle the problems of modernity. The Movement helps to formulate solutions at the level of individual autonomy. This potential and autonomy prepare individuals for peaceful development and healthy integration into the contemporary era.

Contemporary societies are complex and change in them can only be managed by education, information, interaction and co-operation. Very little, if anything at all, can be achieved by unilateral action, coercive application of force and the wasting of human life either by bloodshed in war or by economic strangulation. Beneficial and sustainable change entails decisions, choices, accord and co-operation within and between societies and civilizations. In this way only consensually valued projects and policies are achieved. Person by person, project by project, the Gülen Movement is working towards beneficial and sustainable change.

Is the Gülen Movement hiding an intention to make an overall, sudden change in people and/or in the direction of the development of projects?

The Movement does not envisage or intend an overall, sudden change in people and/or in the direction of the development of projects.

The intention is to educate people with patience and dedication over time in order to enable them, in peace, to manage the complexity and plurality they have to deal with.

Decision-making in service-networks is neither centralized nor invisible. Project development decisions are not taken by specific individuals or private groups. As people are allowed to intervene in the decision-making, the process is participatory, and the existence of concealed intent to make sudden changes is not feasible or credible.

Emotional Western journalism on Turkey

2012-01-14T00:00:00.001-08:00

İhsan Yılmaz

Especially after the “one minute” incident at Davos, some Western media sources have been increasingly emotional in their journalism and news reporting of Turkey.

The majority of pieces that appear in the Western media are far from balanced, objective or accurate. One does not need to be an Edward Said reader to know how Orientalism influences coverage of Islam in the Western media, but the case of Turkey requires special attention. Soon after the Turkish Parliament, dominated by the Justice and Democracy Party (AKP), rejected a motion that would allow American troops to use Turkish soil in their invasion of Iraq in March 2003, the Western media increasingly described the AKP as an Islamo-fascist party. Now, after the “one minute” incident, and after 10 years of AKP rule -- which is supported not only by secular liberal-democrats, but by even non-Muslim citizens such as Armenians, despite their critical distance and lack of engagement -- these very circles claim that Turkey is becoming an authoritarian country under the rule of the AKP and the Hizmet (Gülen) Movement.

These media outlets never explained to us why they have jettisoned their former discursive assault on the AKP, and also they have never apologized for their gross error. And now these reborn McCarthys hardly bother to substantiate their claims. For instance, they safely and comfortably say that the Turkish police force is dominated by the Hizmet Movement but they never mention that this accusation has been constantly denied by both officials and the Hizmet Movement itself. They also fail to write that, to date, not even a single police officer has been caught red-handed for being attached to the movement and simultaneously conspiring with Ergenekon suspects. The National Intelligence Agency, the staunchly secularist military and the gendarmerie that is controlled by the military, have separate intelligence organizations. So far the myth that the movement controls the police has not been proven. There is not even a single case on the issue. On the contrary, what we know is that police officers who have a personal grudge against others in the force easily resort to this accusation to blackmail their rivals, some of whom are not even practicing Muslims.

While reporting the anti-coup Ergenekon cases, these Western media outlets claim that the government and the movement use them to suppress their opposition and critics. But they do not inform their readers that staging coups is a tradition in Turkey and almost every decade the military topples democratically elected governments. They never mention that as late as April 27, 2007, the military threatened the government in order to prevent someone with a headscarved wife from being elected as president. Coups are not a thing of the past in Turkey, and in Turkish society about 30 percent of the people who have benefited from undemocratic, undeserved Kemalist privileges continue to see coups as a legitimate solution to get rid the AKP, which they reportedly detest.

These McCarthyist media outlets that see every police officer as a secret Gülen follower never explain to their readers how Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink, as well as Christian priests and missionaries, were slaughtered in Turkey after they were targeted by pro-Ergenekon circles, or how this chain of assassinations abruptly stopped after Ergenekon suspects were imprisoned.

These emotional media outlets also never bother to ask questions to the accused and report their reactions. Can you imagine a piece in the Western media that narrates only the Taliban’s side of the story and concludes that the American Army is a lawless barbaric army, using “urinating soldiers” as evidence, without mentioning the thousands of other law-abiding soldiers? Yet while reporting the Ahmet Şık and Nedim Şener case, Western media outlets do exactly the same thing. They never answer this paradox: if the AKP and the Hizmet Movement are chasing after their critics, why have they not dealt with the writers of dozens of libelous books written about them with many more accusations than Şık’s book? Why could they not explain why nothing happened to the writers of other books that write exactly the same things, if the movement was interested in censoring the content of Şık’s book? Why did nothing happened to the critical journalists and columnists working for the Doğan Media Group, or the staunch enemies of the AKP and the movement such as Sözcü, Cumhuriyet, Ortadoğu, Milli Gazete, etc., that not only criticize, but also insult both the AKP and the movement on a regular basis?

These Western media outlets never give their readers the full picture by saying that the judiciary has always been problematic in Turkey and it is actually getting better, in line with Turkey’s EU reforms. It suffers from several problems ranging from a state-protecting mentality to an enthusiasm for imprisoning suspects, but these problems were more widespread in the past. The only difference is that now the old elite also started suffering from the very system it established. It must also be noted that the same elite does not support Turkey’s EU accession process, democratization, transparency or the rule of law. Last but not the least, can these emotional media outlets explain why the movement, if it has captured the state, illegally silences its critics -- then why is it still the biggest champion of the EU process and a brand new democratic constitution that will lessen the influence of the state and empower the citizenry?

Published on Today's Zaman, 13 January 2012, Friday

Greatest trick of pro-Ergenekon figures

2012-01-13T00:00:00.001-08:00

Hüseyin Gülerce

There is fierce competition and struggle between democratization and guardianship on the political, judicial and media fronts. The supporters of guardianship still remain baffled by the unpreparedness for the recent developments and inability to properly read the changing Turkey and the world.

They are uselessly struggling within a state of despair at a time when they were feeling strong. But the evidence is strong and lucid in the investigations where they are being tried. It is impossible to achieve their goals through judicial means. Out of despair, they have developed a new tactic. I call this the last trick of the pro-Ergenekon figures. They are speaking to the public, not to the judges. Their target groups are those who are hostile to the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and the Gülen movement because there is a vast group of people that have been manipulated through the organized efforts of the media and the attempts of the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) to protect the Ergenekon suspects in Turkey. There is still a number of people who believe everything that has been said about the AK Party and the Gülen movement.

These people are intimidated by these circles who instill fear that the republican regime, secularism and their lifestyles are in danger. And they are made to believe every attempt of disinformation. The last example of this was observed with the arrest of former chief of General Staff İlker Başbuğ. In a speech before his arrest, Başbuğ said: “The 26th chief of General Staff of Turkey is being accused of establishing and administering a terrorist organization. I leave this to the consideration of the esteemed Turkish nation.” What he meant was the group of people who have been intimidated (by fear mongers) and manipulated. Actually, 58 percent of the nation voted in favor of the reform package in the 2010 referendum and showed its view about the Ergenekon cases. I should also note that despite all the efforts by Başbuğ and the Ergenekon supporters, those people have now started to show signs of hesitation in their minds and hearts. The 26th chief of General Staff was arrested, but nobody took to the streets, except for a small group of Workers’ Party (İP) supporters in İzmir. Besides, it is also evident that Başbuğ’s reference to his being the 26th chief of General Staff at a time when the trial of 17th chief of General Staff, Kenan Evren, has become a possibility, is not meaningful.

Let me finish my column with a reminder. Başbuğ will be brought to trial in connection with an investigation into anti-government websites, which was previously merged with the Action Plan to Fight Reactionarysm case. The indictment recalls that Başbuğ referred to the Action Plan to Fight Reactionaryism as a “piece of paper” in a move aiming to downplay the plot and the discovery of light anti-tank weapons found hidden underground in İstanbul’s Poyrazköy district -- stored by the coup plotters for future use, the prosecution says -- as “pipes.”

The plan in the said official document dated March 2006, which the Taraf daily reported in a front page story with the headline, “Anti-AK Party and Gülen Plan,” included this: “The actions will be planned in a way so as to not to give the impression that the daily agenda is being changed. It will be argued that the supporters of Fethullah Gülen are directly attacking the Turkish Armed Forces. Random raids will be carried out in houses of this movement; weapons, illegal materials and ammunition will be planted in these houses, and they will be confiscated during the raids to ensure that the Fethullah Gülen group is identified as an armed terrorist organization that can be prosecuted by military officers. The issue of moderate Islam will be specifically stressed; to this end, it will be argued that the FG group is controlled by the US. Reports will be published in the papers to argue that the military servicemen who were arrested in connection with the Ergenekon case are innocent and that they were detained because of their fight against fundamentalism. Raids on houses will be conducted and in these raids, arms and ammunitions as well as symbolic objects indicating the FG group is affiliated with Jewish organizations, the CIA, Mossad, etc. will be seized. Measures will be taken to ensure that in these raids, documents and brochures that provoke hatred and enmity against Alevis are discovered. Further moves will be made to ensure that AKP members make conflicting statements in an attempt to give the impression that there are serious disagreements within the party.”

Would it be surprising to see that this plan is still being implemented by someone? We have a daunting task of making a new constitution ahead of us. The struggle will continue there too

Published on Today's Zaman, 12 January 2012, Thursday

Where should the former chief of General Staff be judged?

2012-01-12T00:00:00.000-08:00

Kerim Balcı

Whenever the self-marginalizing old-media elite start asking orchestrated, irrelevant questions about a criminal case, our country faces a new challenge, of a covert media operation against the judiciary or police.

This time it is about which court should judge the former chief of General Staff. The self-marginalizing old-media elite claim he should be judged in the Supreme State Council. These people intentionally deny their readers any information -- in fact, memory -- about why on earth the former chief of General Staff is being judged after all. The covert media operation to save the former chief of General Staff from the special court in which he is being judged for the time being has been so well-orchestrated that it surpassed even the voice of the retired general* who pled not guilty.

In the past, we have seen similar operations when information that proved the existence of terrorist cells within the army was leaked to the press. The media operation was centered on one question: Who leaked this information? In complete accord with media operations, the Army General Staff used to launch administrative inquiries about the identities of the “moles,” not about the “terrorists.” Wiretapped speeches of former officers -- and this is by no means endorsing illegal wiretapping as a legitimate way of gathering information -- were broadcast on the Internet, and by launching an inquiry into who might have leaked the recording onto the Internet, the army acknowledged those speeches had taken place, but still, the old media elite didn't question the content of the speeches. They continued to stone the unknown moles. In the meantime, the content of those speeches was forgotten…

Now that the former chief of General Staff has been arrested and will be judged for the Internet memorandum and what is publicly known as the Action Plan to Fight Reactionaryism, a plan to finish off the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and the Gülen movement, shouldn't the media be asking, what are the prosecutor's claims and on what account are former “brothers-in-arms” accusing each other?

The court case known as the Internet memorandum is not anything new. Already several army generals are under arrest and have been testifying about their roles in the preparation of 42 smear-campaign websites defaming the AK Party and the Hizmet (aka the Gülen movement). All of the officers in question have pointed to their superior as the person who ordered, approved, financed and oversaw the preparation of the websites. These websites were used as evidence against the AK Party in the now-infamous closure case. This is the Internet memorandum part of the case. The Action Plan to Fight Reactionaryism included planting arms in the houses of innocent people and then “finding” them, leading to the labeling of lawful citizens of this country as terrorists.

Had that plan materialized, would that self-marginalizing old-media elite be asking irrelevant questions like why were the operations on the houses of these innocent people conducted in the early morning hours? Would they be claiming that, since all evidence has been gathered, the judgment should have been made without an arrest?

If journalists attempt to do the jobs of judges, police and the army, who will do the job of journalists?

* For those who are reading my column for the first time: In Turkey, the army applies accreditation to the press. My newspaper, along with religious and ethnic minority papers, is not invited to the press meetings of the Army General Staff. My colleagues are not welcome on army premises. As long as the Turkish army does not embrace universal standards of democracy, I don't want to be accredited, either. Following prominent journalist Oktay Ekşi, I believe it is a journalist's right to accredit people, and I do not accredit soldiers in my columns. I refer to them with their titles only, not by name. It is nothing personal.

Published on Today's Zaman, 11 January 2012, Wednesday

We the pious did not feel for the suffering of the Kurds

2012-01-11T00:00:00.000-08:00

Ezgi Başaran

One of the leading figures of the conservative community Cemal Usak has criticized the community both for its view about the Kurdish Issue and its test with power saying: "Freedom of the Kurdish Language, which was said to be licit, should have been defended but that was not the case."

Why Cemal Usak?

Cemal Usak is an intellectual, participated since the foundation of the Association of Writers and Journalists, which is known for its proximity to the Gulen Movement and now he is the vice president of it. More importantly, he represents the common sense among the conservative community. Recently he shared a personal anecdote about the Kurdish Issue and wrote a critical article about the conservatives’ test with power. One must listen to Usak, especially when the tension about the Kurdish Issue is determined by the media, majority of which is possessed by the pious.

You talk about your first encounter with the Kurdish Issue in your book "Anatolian Conscience" published by Open Society Association. When was it?

Back in 1974 I was a student. I was in the Nur movement but not in the Gulen Movement as it is called today. Of course I personally had a deep sympathy and an interest in Fethullah Gulen. So I was taking care of 4 student houses in Kadikoy at the time. There was a group of 6 or 7 students and most of them were from Bingol and Urfa. One day I was at their house and I asked where Halim and Mehmet was. It turned out they were cooking in the kitchen. As I approached the door I heard a language, which at the time was called unknown by the state. Later I found out that it was Zaza Language (A dialect of Kurdish). When I came in they panicked and stopped. And they tried to explain apologetically: "We're sorry, it will never happen again. We just missed our mother tongue." It seemed like a police bust.

What was your reaction?

I told them it was their mother tongue and they were free to speak. At first they could not believe me and they said Hasim, who was an older Kurdish boy from Urfa, prohibited them from speaking it. When I talked to Hasim afterwards he said he too was not happy about not being able to speak in his mother tongue but he was just trying to keep them out of trouble. But still this explanation doesn’t justify the indifference of the congregation.

Licit meaning optional

Could you open that indifference of the congregation a bit?

In the book that includes Bediuzzaman’s interviews with the Kurdish clans in 1911, there is a part that suggests: Educational language of the region is Kurdish, Arabic and Turkish. The saying "Turkish required, Arabic needed and Kurdish licit" was pretty popular among us. We understood the word licit as optional meaning anybody who wishes to learn Kurdish was free. Even though this saying was popular it was never applied in practice.

What do you mean?

The freedom of Kurdish language, which was said to be licit, should have been defended but that never happened. Because the official discourse of the state dominated the pious as well. So even though my community accepted the existence of Kurds, they got carried away with the official discourse and could not do what their conscience suggested. Overall us the pious and the nationalists, we sympathized with Turkistanis who suffered under the cruel rule of the Chinese and the Turks in Bulgaria who even couldn’t obtain Turkish names. Whereas we ignored the sufferings of Kurds who were just in front of us.

Why did this happen, is pious being victims of the state the only explanation?

Well, the first reason was us being under the pressure of the state as well. The second one is that everyone had their own agenda and they didn’t want to clash with the state meanwhile. Because the official discourse against the Kurdish Issue was obvious. So the pious were also the victims of the state just like the Alevis and Kurds.

So did the pious say we cannot defend the rights of the Kurds, when we already have so many problems of ourselves?

The pious community did not want a second burden so they ignored the Kurdish Issue. I don’t approve of it but I understand it. Was this the right attitude? No. Because a sufferer should sympathize with other sufferers. In this country, Alevis, Kurds, Rums, Armenians and Jews have sufferings. Even if nobody understands this, the people who make religion the core of their lives should.

Isn’t them internalizing the official discourse the reason behind this?

Well, there was a misconception that suggested: "Essentially there is no Kurdish Issue, this issue is being created by some foreign powers by the way of manipulating the traitors within us." Notably the people with the National View (Milli Gorus) supported this idea. And they thought that the solution was the brotherhood of Islam.

The Brotherhood of Islam
Late Erbakan defended this idea until his last days...

Okay but what is the brotherhood of Islam? It is not something like a medicine capable of solving your problems overnight. The important thing was being a part of the ones trying to solve the problems of Muslim Kurds. That idea never really had a concrete solution for the issue. In the Qur’an it says: "The diversity of your languages and colors is from the verses of Allah." 15 years ago I grasped the meaning of this verse like this; The Almighty wanted to be prayed by different languages. So if I have faith in the Creator, I must respect the different languages He mentioned in his verses. National View community couldn’t do this so they were not able to go beyond some slogans.

How did Gulen Movement’s view about the Issue changed in years?

I am not in position to speak on behalf of the movement but I have been here since the foundation of the Association of Journalists and Writers which is quite popular among the congregation. The association studied the subjects to pave the way for a better Turkey as the likes of; state-religion relation, religion-democracy relation and democratic law state. Mr. Erdogan presented the secularism as a value in his visit to Egypt but everyone knows that, in the political fraction he comes from, this is not the case. So in the years when the association organized a secularism gathering, secularism was in a contradicting position in Erdogan’s political tradition compared to today.

Why did secularism become a value then?

Like everyone else he and his entourage changed too. Recently a law suggesting the return of non-Muslims’ seized property was accepted in the parliament . This is a crucial turning point. When we first invited a patriarch and a rabbi to an iftar, Islamic newspapers didn’t approve of it. So if someone from this political tradition decides to return the property of non-Muslims, that means they have changed. Likewise the EU process affected this transformation.

An Identity Issue

I see.. You were just talking about the Gulen Movement’s view of the Kurdish Issue, secularism interfered...

At the beginning, generally we touched the issues in Turkey. Then we organized some meetings from the perspective of Kurdish and Alevi issues. Our meetings about the Kurdish Issue was in Erbil, Ankara and Abant. But if you go back 15-20 years, I can understand why the people, who are striving to exist, have put their own issues in front of others’.

How is the situation now?

Listen... Government’s spokesman can explain their stance on issues but we’re not in the same spot.

A movement is a sociological organism, it is represented by its followers. There’s even a television channel named "Dunya TV" founded by Fethullah Gulen’s followers and it broadcasts in Kurdish. An attorney in our Abant Meeting said he’s had some suspicions about our sincerity but he said the atmosphere in the meeting has persuaded him.

Do you think the sincerity of the community is being questioned in the region?

I don’t think so, of course it depends on the people you get in touch with. People from Diyarbakir, Mardin and Urfa express their appreciation of the study centers, training centers that the movement opened and the aid "Kimse Yok Mu" provided in the region. Whereas the PKK and its sympathizers claim they’re being assimilated this way. This claim would be a slander that is hard to believe for the congregation. So the volunteers will open schools in Philippines or in Madagascar accepting those people with their identity and when it comes to Turkey they will try to assimilate people. That’s nonsense.

Okay but aren’t you teaching Turkish in those countries?

Turkish is not obligatory in all countries. When you say a Kazak-Turkish school or a Philippine-Turkish school Turkish is in the curriculum but in several other schools Turkish is not obligatory.

What do you think about the government’s stance on the issue?

Of course there is a relation between the terror issue and the Kurdish Issue but even if you solve the terror issue overnight, Kurdish Issue wouldn’t be solved. Pkk stemmed from the Kurdish Issue. So at first there was only the Kurdish problem. They didn’t use to accept the Kurds whereas now they accept them but they link the problem with terror and this makes it even more complicated. There is a wrong perception among the pious and the nationalists; "Okay Kurds have sufferings but first we have to solve the terror issue" I definitely don’t agree with this idea. Kurdish Issue is essentially the problem of the freedom of the language and the identity.

For some the establishment of TRT ŞEŞ(6 in Kurdish) and the Kurdish courses are enough to solve the issue. What do you think?

There are Kurdish, Babani and Surani dictionaries and grammar books published at the Ottoman time. What does freedom of a language mean? If I were a Kurd, would the only way I could maintain my mother tongue be speaking it at home ? This is the situation today. But no language can be maintained that way.

Then you believe they have every right to education in their mother tongue?

Education of the mother tongue cannot be compensated with only language courses. Kurds should be in the educational system wherever they are in the country. So if a Kurd comes up to a school and says he would like his child to learn Kurdish, that option should be offered. Without a doubt, the TRT ŞEŞ has a symbolic importance. The ruling party pushed the law to the limits and took a risk by doing it but still it is not enough. As the obstacles on the way to the freedom of Kurdish are still valid.

So if the pious seriously defended the rights of the Kurds in the past would we be in a different situation today?

Absolutely, some columnists who claim to have Islamic sensitivities still can’t see this. They are nearly at the point where they can even say "the Kurds are off the line, they have enough rights already." The people who call themselves faithful should accept the freedom of different identities and languages. They should also do whatever is needed to achieve this freedom. Pious couldn’t carry out this responsibility.

Are there any others among the conservative community who self-criticize like you do?

10 years ago the pious in Turkey were suffering from poverty. Today they are wealthier and competent. This new situation comes with new responsibilities and creates a new test for them.

How are they doing in that test?

I can say that some of them are failing. I was saddened by seeing some municipalities’ extravagant organizations during Ramadan. You know our people say "the liquor doesn’t stay as it stays in its bottle." Power is just like that. When it enters and flows through your body, it changes people.

Do you think that the Prime Minister changed too?

Without a doubt he did. There’s no turning back from this. As a faithful, my wish is that these changes do not turn into degeneration.

Original article published [in Turkish] on Radikal Daily, 10 October 2011, Monday

English version retrieved from http://www.hizmetnews.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=363:we-the-pious-did-not-feel-for-the-suffering-of-the-kurds&catid=81:interviews&Itemid=265 on 10 January 2012, Tuesday

Gülen: PKK employing tactics similar to those of Feb. 28

2012-01-10T00:00:00.000-08:00

Today's Zaman

Well-respected Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen has said the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) is using manipulation tactics similar to those employed during the military intervention of 1997, in the wake of the propaganda campaign launched by the PKK against Gülen movement.

For some months, the PKK has misinterpreted the remarks of Gülen regarding the solution to Turkey's long-standing Kurdish problem.

Fethullah Gulen

In a speech broadcast on the website http://www.herkul.org in late October, Gülen expressed his grief over the deaths of dozens of security members in terrorist attacks in the country's Southeast, while expressing his views about the measures that should be taken for the peaceful resolution to Turkey's Kurdish and terrorist problems. He also suggested that there should be military operations targeting PKK members who mastermind brutal attacks. Following this statement, the PKK launched a propaganda campaign against Gülen claiming that the famous scholar wants military operations against all Kurds.

In his latest speech broadcast on the website www.herkul.org, Gülen likened these tactics of the PKK to the tactics used by secular circles in the process leading up to the Feb. 28, 1997 military intervention, in which the military ousted a coalition government led by an Islamic party.

Before the military intervention, some media outlets and secular circles launched a propaganda campaign against religious communities including the Gülen movement in order to justify their claims of rising radical Islamism in the country.

“Just think of that June storm [the Feb. 28 process]. Back then, some tape recordings were cut in the beginning and the end to give them a very different meaning. Some [media sources] were not ashamed to print fabricated remarks which were changed by taking them out of context. They tried to deceive the nation through manipulative comments and misinterpretations. These efforts were a conspiracy, an execution without trial. Their aim was to demolish bridges of dialogue which had just begun to be built. Now some people who work for nothing but manipulation, hypocrisy and lies are doing the same thing. By omitting parts of speeches, they produce statements that are totally different from the originally intended message, and they spread these lies and disgust people,” said Gülen.

Published on Today's Zaman, 09 January 2012, Monday

Turkish school in Pakistan produces math world champion

2012-01-09T00:00:00.000-08:00

Today's Zaman

Usama Mahmoud Hawar, a student at a Turkish school in Pakistan, has become the world champion in mathematics in an exam commissioned by the British Council’s Cambridge University, the Anatolia news agency reported on Sunday.

Hawar, one of 12 million students from 200 countries to participate in the exam, was a final-year student at Lahore High School for Boys, one of the Turkish schools operating in Pakistan. The math world champion received a great deal of attention from the Pakistani media, which congratulated the successful students, teachers and schools of the exam.

Hawar told Anatolia that he owes his success to his school, math teacher and hard work. The school principal, Adem Akgedik, in comments to Anatolia, said the largest factor in Hawar’s success goes to his math teacher, Mehmet Zengin, who would work with his student for many hours after the school day was over.

After completing high school, Hawar said he wants to study economics at a university in Turkey.

A total of 6,000 Pakistani students are receiving an education from the 22 internationally acclaimed Turkish schools operating in Pakistan.

Published on Today's Zaman, 08 January 2012, Sunday

KYM delivered various forms of aid to the Philippines

2012-01-08T00:00:00.000-08:00

Kimse Yok Mu

Washi hurricane hit the island of Mindanao in the Philippines with heavy rain, causing a major disaster. As a result of the severe rain storm in the Philippines, it was announced that almost 1000 people have died in floods.

Flash floods have struck the Philippines' two largest islands suddenly and landslides are occurring in the rural areas. The wind speed are up to 90 KPS during the storm.

KYM launched a campaign and delivered various forms of aid to the Philippines. Anatolia has conquered the hearts of the people of the Philippines by extending a helping hand.

45 thousand people are living in temporary shelters and KYM volunteers delivered care packages to 10,000 people.

The aid organization which was launched together with ICAD Foundattion and State Governor Mohamad Khalid conquered the hearts of the Philippine people and the volunteers especially received great attention and interest from the local community. The Philippine people indicated that during very hard times, very far away from Turkey, the material help and moral support shown by Turkey is very significant for them.

Published on Kimse Yok Mu, 06 January 2012, Friday

The volunteers' work has become hope for the Bangladesh children

2012-01-07T00:00:00.000-08:00

Kimse Yok Mu

With the arrival of the winter season, conditions of life have become more difficult and the people of Bangladesh. Unable to purchase anything, they are wrapping themselves in plastic bags and burning paper in order to protect themselves from them cold. Children mortalities are often in Bangladesh and KYM has launched a blanket campaign for Bangladesh.

Many people are living on the streets or in tin houses. Donators mobilized and collected more than 113,000TL.

KYM has delivered 650 blankets in the city of Jessoure, 2500 blankets in Chittagong and 2850 blankets on the Rongpur region. The volunteers' work has become hope for the Bangladesh children.

The people of Bangladesh, who are facing severe cold weather and death, are thankful to Turkish people for their help.

KYM officials stated the importance of blankets for survival and that 500 blankets will be given to people in Rongpur region again on Saturday the 7th of January.

Published on Kimse Yok Mu, 06 January 2012, Friday

The Freedom of Religion, the Concept of War, and Gulen

2012-01-06T00:00:00.000-08:00

Ahmet Kurucan

Scholars have put forward varying ideas on the legitimacy of war in Islam. While there is consensus on the prevention of atrocity and self-defense, there are disputes on issues like preclusion from the freedom of teaching religion, violation of a peace agreement, assassination of envoys, etc. In this article, we would like to shed light on an issue that is particularly associated with the freedom of teaching religion.

This particular kind of freedom is presented as one of the causes of war in the book Muhammad: The Messenger of God by Fethullah Gülen. If one approaches the problem from a partial analysis, rather than a holistic one, then one can easily come to the conclusion that "war can be waged to ensure spiritual guidance and communication." In the aforementioned book, Gülen basically says that force is allowed if there is a resistance against the preaching of Islam and others are prevented from listening to its message.

Viewing the issue from this aspect, it is not correct to reach a conclusion that Gülen, thus Islam, does not recognize freedom of religion and conscience. Those who reach such a conclusion means, they are disregarding Islamic verses and the literature on the traditions of the Prophet that pertain to the freedom of religion and conscience, as well as the important interpretations made by Gülen in this issue. There are also some circles who never tire of spouting their biased discourse, manifested by slogans such as, "Islam is the religion of the sword," "Islam is an oppressive and coercive religion," or "either Islam or death."

In contrast, it is very clear in Gülen's message that no war can be fought in order to communicate one's faith. A war can be fought when faith, Islam in this case, is prevented from teaching its message "in peaceful ways."

In my opinion, restriction of the communication of any religion is a violation of a birthright and rights agreed upon in international human rights declarations. In other words, the prohibition in question, if one indeed exists, is a sheer atrocity that has been imposed on people living in a particular social system. Living in the West, where such debates have occurred, I have two alternatives: either to investigate the written and oral literature of Fethullah Gülen in order to examine the accuracy of this approach, or to ask him directly. I preferred to take the easier way and directly asked him my question: Here I give you his reply:

"It is possible to categorize all the battles the Prophet fought, when analyzed thoroughly with their basic characteristics, within the concept of defense. If there is an attack by an enemy, or if there is evidence acquired by a very reliable intelligence that there is going to be an attack, then war will be necessary. The Qur'anic evidence that supports this is Baqara 2:191: "fight against them, if they fight you.'"

Another remark by Gülen, made at another time, confirms this:

"Take a close look at his battles at Badr, Uhud, and the Trench. All of them took place in the vicinity of Medina, while the enemy, the polytheists of Mecca, were living 500 kilometers away. What could the Muslims do? Should they welcome the enemy forces, who had come to the front line and inside the town, trying to kill them? The Battle of Haybar, on the other hand, was fought because previously signed treaties were violated, and these treaties stipulated violation as a cause for war. While emphasizing the fact that the Prophet only fought defensive battles, there is no need to claim "there is no war in Islam by any means," evoking some kind of an inferiority complex. On the other hand, Islam does not give the right to any nation to clamp on another nation for no reason, or just for the sake of her national sovereignty. This critical balance was maintained in the eras of the Prophet and the Four Rightly-Guided Caliphs. But it is not possible to state that the same sensitivity has been preserved by some Islamic states after the Abbasids until today-the Ottomans included. Several wars were waged for the sake of gains, or to extend territory. They treated their enemies with justice during and after the war; but this is a different issue."

The issue is crystal clear: war is the very last thing to do, when other solutions are exhausted, in order to eliminate an injustice that restricts the freedom of communication and guidance for teaching one's religion. Thus, from where does this confusion stem? There are two reasons for this. The first is the inability to delineate the Prophet's actions as the Messenger of God-which bind all Muslims until the Day of Judgment-from some of his actions as a statesman, which were basically formed in keeping with the policies of the day according to the prevalent context.

The second reason is that some concepts that pertain to war are predicated in their religious rather than political connotations, arising from the fact that war is a sphere where religion and politics intermingle; in other words, the "literalist" approach is adopted.

These two reasons, in the final analysis, give rise to misinterpretation of some of the concepts in a far distant meaning than what they were originally constructed for. Take the concept of "fi sabilillah," as an example. This concept, which is repeated many times in the Holy Qur'an and the sayings of the Prophet, literally means "in the way of God." However, the role that this concept plays in the field of religion differs from that which it plays in politics in the Arabic language. "Fi sabilillah" in the field of religion covers all the good deeds aiming to acquire merit, whereas it signifies to ensure the rule of law in the field of politics.

In conclusion, fundamental rights and freedoms are not issues that are open to question. All people are free to choose their religion. No state should be able to revoke this right from her citizens. The ordinances of the Qur'an and the Sunnah which pertain to this issue are clear enough. Regulations and applications that inhibit these freedoms should not be allowed. Restrictions may be exercised by the authority of a legitimate state only if an encroachment of the rights of other people is in question, particularly in the fields of public security, common order, public decency, and health. As regards the case of war, a war can only be declared in keeping with the will of the legitimate political authority. The fact that people prefer to believe in a religion other than Islam is not considered to be a cause of war. On the other hand, if a state does not allow its citizens the freedom to choose their religion, whichever religion that may be, this is oppression. To prevent this kind of atrocity is a legitimate cause of war if all possible means of peaceful settlement have been tried and failed.

Published on The Fountain Magazine, Issue 84 (November-December 2011)

Why do people join and contribute to the service networks in the Gulen Movement? How do they become integrated?

2012-01-05T00:00:00.000-08:00

fgulen.org

How do participants become integrated into the service projects and networks in the Gülen Movement?

As there is not a single dimension to human behavior, all problems are first brought for solution to networks of people, into the communicative process.

At the same time individuals become informed within the collectivity. Then they voluntarily integrate into relational networks of educational, social, and altruistic services. The Gülen Movement does not give identity to people, but provides resources for them to construct their own identity. It makes them responsible for both that identity and their action.

What makes people decide to join and contribute to service networks the Gülen Movement?

Individuals perform the greatest role in the process of becoming involved in the Gülen Movement.

Prior interpersonal contact is the single richest source of movement volunteers. Relationships through social life facilitate involvement and make it easy and comfortable for individuals to join and contribute to networks of services.

Within these networks, individuals interact and engage in negotiations as they develop the frameworks of ideas and motivation that are necessary for action. People by their free will accept roles that are in accord with their individual differences and personality traits. Individuals come into these service groups with a conscious decision to change and to direct their own existence.

In these social contexts, people can discuss appropriate action, and activate material resources, cultural capital and labor. The social and cognitive processes in such contexts help develop a rationale that legitimates a project’s formation and any follow-up projects. In addition to the rationale, people also develop a belief that the project or institution and its services are truly necessary and worth all contributions that they make.

How does moving from one service network to another affect participants in the Gülen Movement?

Plurality of goals and resources allow individuals to change networks with only minor consequences for the improvement and effectiveness of either their contribution or the network.

In addition, as the range of possible service-networks of choice is expanding with the increase in the range of roles and activities in the Movement, leaving one group for another becomes less dramatic an event for the individual.

Individuals do not join the service-networks on an individual basis alone, nor act or work in them out of self-interest. They do so through relational channels, such as friends, neighbors and professional associations. Individuals have the opportunity in service-networks to come to know one another as human beings. This informal fellowship develops a common sympathy which contributes to intimacy and social cohesion or solidarity. The Movement therefore does not need any formal ceemonial behavior, ritual, symbols, slogans, costumes or badges to foster identity or unity. Newcomers keep their relations with other people who are outside the Movement. They are not encouraged to drop or neglect anybody.

Participation in the Movement is based on information-sharing, exchange and interaction. It is based on taking an active role in the collective action. It takes the form of friendship-based circles. It is contextualized: people in it have simultaneous and multiple interests and friendships, and professionalized and altruistic commitments. Losses that may arise for any reason are therefore not borne by the individual in loneliness.

Turkish school opens in northern Iraq, more schools in demand

2012-01-04T00:01:00.000-08:00

Today's Zaman

A private Turkish school has been opened in the northern Iraqi province of Sulaimaniya where in 2008 northern Iraq's first university, Işık University, was also established by Turkish entrepreneurs.

Turkish primary school opened in the northern Iraqi province of Sulaimaniya.
Many officials were in attendance. (Photo: Cihan)

The construction of the Private Işık Primary School and Kindergarten of 24 classes took four months with the cooperation of Sulaimaniye mayor and philanthropists. During his speech during the opening ceremony, Private Işık Primary School and Kindergarten Principal Bekir Erdağ thanked Sulaimaniya Mayor Behrouz Koshani for his help. “We are providing an education by looking at the educational standards achieved in countries all around the world. Our school building includes computer and science labs, a painting class, a library and a multifunctional room for social activities. Our main education language is English, so we are bringing course books from England and Turkey. But we are also offering elective courses in the Kurdish, Turkish and Arabic languages. A total of 620 students are currently receiving education in our school. We will not be able to have any more students registered for next year as we are already fully reserved. There will be a need for a new primary school in the next year. This is great news for Iraq and its future indeed,” said Erdağ.

Sulaimaniya Educational General Manager Cebbar Hama Ahmet also gave a speech at the ceremony saying that they appreciate Turkish educators' efforts to provide Iraqi children with a high-quality education. “We are attaching great importance to private enterprises. In particular, Fezalar Educational Company's quality of education is successful in scientific terms, but it also educates children in terms of values and virtues that make the schools more preferable for the parents. We are ready to do everything we can to increase the number of Turkish schools in our province and country,” said Ahmet.

Among attendees at the opening ceremony were Turkish Ambassador to Arbil Aydın Selcen, Sulaimaniya Mayor Behrouz Koshani and Talip Büyük from Fezalar Educational Company.

Published on Today's Zaman, 01 January 2012, Sunday

Turkish aid organization opens school in Somalia

2012-01-04T00:00:00.001-08:00

Today's Zaman

Turkish aid organization Kimse Yok Mu opened a school on Saturday in Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia.

A Kimse Yok Mu official (R) cuts the tape marking the opening of a school in the Somali capital, Mogadishu. (Photo: AA)

Orhan Erdoğan, coordinator of the aid organization's East African operations, delivered a speech at the opening ceremony in which he pledged continued support for the refurbished school in its mission to provide Somali children with an education in Turkish, Arabic and other subjects.
Education Minister Ahmed Aydiid Ibrahim of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia also spoke at the ceremony, stating his thanks for Turkey's efforts to establish schools, hospitals and education centers in the East African nation.

Published on Today's Zaman, 01 January 2012, Sunday

Ahmet Şık's book and Ergenekon's media campaign (cont'd)

2012-01-03T00:00:00.000-08:00

Emre Uslu

In a previous article I examined the media campaign against the Ergenekon trials and discussed Ahmet Şık.

As I mentioned, the impact of Şık's arrest was exaggerated because he was allegedly writing a book criticizing the Gülen movement's influence in the police force, and his arrest was to prevent this book from being published. Many intellectuals truly believed this campaign when the prosecutors, in their search for the draft copies of the book, found one at Odatv, and another in the possession of people whom Şık claimed had not received a copy. Şık claims to have had no relations with these individuals.

As expected, banning the publication of Şık's book created negative reactions and a false image of the prosecution, as if Şık was actually arrested because of his book. At that time I was one of a few journalists who claim that Şık was not arrested because of his book, but because the information he originally provided was inconsistent with the story he told the judge. He claimed that he did not know certain people but there is evidence that he may have known, and had relations with, Ergenekon suspects.

The Pro-Ergenekon network found a window of opportunity to argue that Şık was arrested because of his book, and successfully brought international attention to the story. Şık's book has become a symbol of the Ergenekon trials and proved that the Ergenekon case is nothing but a trial to put AKP opposition behind bars; as if Şık's book would reveal all the dirty laundry of the AKP, the Gülen movement and the police force. In fact there is nothing new in the book that had not been discussed by other authors previously. Nevertheless, Şık's book was leaked to the internet, where millions of copies were downloaded.

A few months ago Şık's book was published and now it is on bookstore shelves, but there are no calls to have it banned. I think those who complained that Şık was arrested because of his book need to explain, especially to their western audiences, why was the publisher not also put behind bars. Forget about the publisher being sued; why wouldn't they share with their western audiences some of the secrets that are claimed to be revealed in the book?

Either they cannot share this information or they cannot explain why the publisher was not sued. The book is on the shelves, in fact it is one of the best sellers. The prosecution was not really about the book, and they have run a successful PR campaign to obscure the truth. Simply put, the Pro-Ergenekon camp used the book as a flag to spread their words and deceive their audiences in the West. This is another simple fact about which Western audiences should be aware regarding the pro-Ergenekon campaign.

For those who do not follow Turkish politics closely, I will make some generalizations. One should to know that there is no grand vision in Turkish political culture, no major issue to be fought. Turks base their arguments in order to win an emplacement, not the whole battle. Once they win an emplacement they present the situation as if they won the whole war.

A similar strategy has been implemented throughout the Ergenekon trial. Şık's book was a war to win time, rather than present the whole Ergenekon trial as if it were in fact a plot against AKP opposition.

Moreover, Turkish political fights are timely. Rather than fighting to win the war, Turks fight to win some time. This strategy is also used in international relations and domestic politics. The pro-Ergenekon network fights to win time. As Şık's case has shown us, they won time but not the case. But since they won the media campaign by portraying the author as someone who was arrested for his book, no one bothers to ask why nothing will happen to the publisher and the book.

Published on Today's Zaman, 01 January 2012, Sunday

Gülen extends condolences to families of deadly airstrike victims

2012-01-02T00:00:00.000-08:00

Today's Zaman

Well-respected Turkish intellectual and scholar Fethullah Gülen has conveyed his condolences to the families of 35 people who were mistakenly killed by the military last week in an airstrike that targeted the terrorist Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).

“I wish God's mercy upon our 35 citizens, brothers and sons who tragically died in the incident and extend my condolences to their grieving families, and I hope that God grants patience to them,” Gülen said in message he issued on Saturday.

Fethullah Gülen (Photo: Cihan)

He said the incident comes at a time when Turkey was moving towards being a balancing power in the world and that expectations were high for Turkey's star to shine. Gülen noted that it is a source of consolation that the authorities have pledged to prevent any cover-up of the incident and that investigations into it have been launched.

“At a time when all security units are fighting together against terrorism and no tolerance is shown for banditry, the circles that want to undermine this harmony are also going ahead with their plans and are trying to sabotage preparations for a new constitution and [other] initiatives [by the state],” Gülen said.

Gülen underlined that he has full belief that the Turkish nation, which in the past did not lose its common sense and remained united in the face of many similar tragic incidents, “will -- with the help of God -- come through this critical process by preserving its unity and cooperation as well.”

“It should never be ignored that those who do not hesitate to abuse the pain of the patriotic people of Ortasu village -- where our village guards who when appropriate fought against terror with our soldiers -- will not give up playing the sons of the nation against each other and trying to establish their sultanate of bloodshed,” he added.

Turkish warplanes mistakenly killed 35 smugglers and other villagers in an operation that targeted PKK bases in Iraq last Wednesday night.

The government acknowledged that the victims were smugglers, not terrorists. The military said in an earlier statement that the warplanes targeted the group based on intelligence that suggested that a group of weapon-carrying terrorists was heading towards the Turkish border to stage attacks on the military. The victims were from the villages of Ortasu, Gülyazı and Ortabağ in southeastern Şırnak province's Uludere district. Uludere District Governor Naif Yavuz, who sought to offer condolences in Ortasu, was assaulted by a group that locals and authorities said did not include any villagers but were provocateurs.

The incident, which reportedly took place due to intelligence mistakes, has sent shockwaves across the country.

Published on TodaysZaman.com, 01 January 2012, Sunday

The Turkish imam and his global educational mission

2012-01-01T00:00:00.000-08:00

Pelin Turgut

October, 1992. the Soviet Union has disbanded and chaos reigns in its former territories. Three times a week, a rattly Russian charter plane filled with young Muslim devotees flies east from Istanbul across barren, low-lying steppes to the capitals of Central Asia. The men are clean-cut, sharply dressed in dark suits and ties, trim of mustache and purposeful. It is the first foray out of their hometown for most, let alone on a plane, but such is their faith in Fethullah Gülen, the Turkish Muslim imam they revere. "Fly like swallows," Gülen exhorted, "to these countries that are newly free, as an expression of our brotherhood."

Students learn about blood circulation in biology class
at a Gulen-affiliated school for girls in Kazakhstan
Photograph by Uluc Kecik for TIME

Fly they did. Hundreds of volunteer teachers fanned out across five Central Asian republics. It was the start of a global movement that is now one of the largest and most powerful competing for the future of Islam around the world. There are an estimated 1,000 Gülen-affiliated schools in 100 countries — from Malawi to the U.S. — offering a blend of religious faith and largely Western curriculum. All are inspired by Gülen, an enigmatic retired preacher who oversees the schools — and a multibillion-dollar business empire — from the unlikeliest of locales: rural Pennsylvania. (See pictures of Muslims in America.)

Tall, lanky and possessing a smooth American accent, chemistry teacher Abdurrahman Sel was introduced to the Gülen movement while a high school student in Istanbul. His dad thought his garrulous nature would make him a good lawyer, but Sel was inspired to become a teacher because Gülen considers it the highest form of service. The only way for Islam to survive godless modernity and regain a place in public life, Gülen believes, is through a new "golden generation" who can combine Western scientific thinking with religious belief. Hence the schools.

Sel signed on for Central Asia in 1993 and drew Shymkent, a city in southern Kazakhstan. "It wasn't even on a map or in the encyclopedia," he recalls. "There was no Internet then. But I was just out of university, I was single, and it was all a big adventure. Besides, we owed the people of Central Asia a moral debt. They are our brothers." Many Turks see Central Asia as their ancestral homeland and share an ethnic and linguistic bond with its people. (See pictures: "Looking Beyond the Veil.")

From Kazakhstan's then capital Almaty, Sel traveled by bus and shared car to the grim mining city and a shell of a school building donated by Kazakh authorities. "There was no heating. I taught in fur hat and gloves for months. We spent our weekends mixing cement and laying bricks." At first locals were wary of these strangers who couldn't speak their language, wore a tie even on weekends and refused vodka, as ubiquitous as water. "Everyone expected us to leave after a few months," Sel says. "But when we stayed, they embraced us."

Sel is now director of 28 high schools in Kazakhstan, from three when he first arrived. Entrance is by competitive exam. This year, 30,000 students applied for 1,400 spots and everyone I spoke to in Almaty, from a fashion editor to a construction magnate, wanted their child enrolled. Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev's nephews are among Sel's students. (See video: "Muslims Online Encourage Debate, Not Hate.")

Gülen, the 68-year-old retired imam behind this colossal enterprise has never visited Central Asia. He leads an ascetic life on an estate in Pennsylvania, where he has lived since 1999 for medical reasons, and to avoid facing (recently dropped) charges of seeking to overthrow the secular regime in Turkey. Gülen declined TIME's request for an interview, citing poor health.

His life mission has been to create a new Turkish-affiliated Muslim elite, well versed in science and technology, successful in a global free-market economy, yet extremely devout. The schools — they are autonomous, so not technically "his" — teach an English-language Western curriculum emphasizing science and math in the classroom (though creationism is offered as fact alongside evolution) and Muslim family-values-style conservatism outside it. In an era when most denominational schools are struggling, the Turkish schools, as they are known, are thriving. (See pictures of Islam's soft revolution.)

"Gülen propagates a kind of 'educational Islamism' as opposed to a 'political Islamism,' " says Bill Park, a defense studies lecturer at King's College, London, who covers Turkey. Through the schools, Park says, Gülen hoped to effect "an 'Islamization' of modernity."

Emotional appeal

Gülen's method is similar to the way in which Catholic Jesuits spread religion by emphasizing a well-rounded education. In fact, Gülen's first recruits were instructed by Christian missionaries with experience in Africa and South America. The method is also deeply controversial, and Russia and Uzbekistan have closed several of the schools. Depending on whom you ask, Gülen is either a saint or the next Khomeini (although he criticizes Iran and Saudi Arabia, for giving Islam a bad name). To followers, he is Hodjaefendi (respected teacher).

Gülen was born in a poor eastern Turkish village and began studying the Koran as a child under the tutelage of his father, a preacher. He was "electrified" as a young adult by the work of Said Nursi, a Sufi-inspired Islamic thinker of the early 1900s who emphasized the individual dimension of faith and sought to reconcile Western scientific thought and Islam. Gülen trained as a state-licensed preacher and, from 1966, he began building up a base of devotees in the western city of Izmir. (See pictures of Islam's soft revolution.)

He started summer camps teaching Islamic tenets and then persuaded local businessmen to fund private dorms for low-income university students from rural areas. Students were given free room and board in exchange for a daily diet of prayer and listening to Gülen audiotapes. It was the start of a vast network of schools, universities and businesses, all promoting Islam-based ethics. He toured Turkey throughout the 1980s and '90s to cement it.

Like an American evangelist, Gülen's appeal lies mainly in his delivery. He is media savvy and emotional, frequently breaking into poetry or tears. That strikes a chord with millions of Turks who feel that modern, secular Turkey has alienated them from their Muslim belief. He also glorifies the Ottoman imperial past, appealing to a time when religion was a part of public life and the Turks were far mightier. (See "In Turkey, Obama Reaches Out to the Muslim World.")

His is not a new interpretation of Islam — he believes that Islamic tenets as revealed in the Koran are unalterable — but he engages with modern concerns like running a successful business or how to pray while on a plane. He doesn't sport a beard and he wears suits. Since 9/11, he has made interfaith dialogue a priority. His followers hold dozens of such meetings across North America every week.

To secularist Turks, however, Gülen is a sinister figure, a puppet master readying his cadres for the great Islamist takeover. They accuse Gülen of taqiya, an Islamic concept by which believers can conceal their real intentions if circumstances so require. One oft-cited tape released in 1999 featured Gülen calling on his supporters to "work patiently" and "creep silently" into state institutions in order to gain power. He claimed his words were manipulated.

Secularist hostility makes the movement secretive. There is no reliable data on the size of Gülen's following because one doesn't sign up to join and it has no official legal status. But it is growing in power. Gülen supporters are estimated to number at least 6 million, according to academics researching the phenomenon. (More surprising is a former Interior Minister's estimate that 70% of Turkey's national police forces are Gülen devotees.) "If they were a political party, they could post 20 to 25 MPs," says Nedim Sener, an investigative journalist. "Any movement that wields that much power needs to be transparent, like an NGO. Who belongs to it? How is it funded? What goes on in the schools they run? What are its political goals? These are all issues shrouded in secrecy."

An education

To my Catholic-school-trained eye, the schools I visit in Almaty and Bishkek appear familiar. They are largely segregated. Uniforms are compulsory. At the girls' school in Almaty, students wear checked skirts that are a little longer than their peers at other schools. Makeup is frowned upon, collars are buttoned and there is an emphasis on being "a good girl."

I am allowed to roam freely and speak to the students, a bright-eyed, earnest bunch who make the average Western high schooler seem terribly decadent in comparison. There are no punk kids smoking secretly in a corner, no baggy, low-waisted pants or pierced noses. They all want to be engineers and doctors "useful to my country." A group of seniors swotting for the SAT reel off a list of Ivy League schools they're applying to. I tease them by telling them about keg parties and they are mildly horrified. "I guess you can never say never," says Nazerkem Idibayeva, 16, cautiously adjusting wire-rimmed glasses. "But I don't think I will ever need beer to have fun."

The schools owe their success in part to strict control. Every minute of the day is structured. Boarding is mandatory and students live with older "brothers" and "sisters" who act as both confidants and mentors. Originally these came from Turkey but local graduates have taken over. Temsil, or leading by example, is key, not least because proselytizing in most Central Asian nations is banned. "The kids are socialized into a Muslim way of life," says Berna Turam, a sociologist at Northeastern University who has spent a decade studying the Gülen movement. "There is a very religious universe indoctrinated by extracurricular activities. That's what makes the schools like Catholic schools." (See video: "Turkey's Unconventional Muslim Minority.")

The schools also vigorously promote Turkic pride. They all teach Turkish language, and Istanbul occupies the aspirational place in students' imagination that New York City does elsewhere in the world. Unlike Western-looking Turkey, in identity-seeking post-Soviet Central Asia this blend of ethnic pride, Muslim values and secular education is welcomed. "Under Russian rule, we forgot our traditions and values," says Dana Arystanbekova, 33, who runs a large construction firm in Almaty and recently enrolled her daughter Dinara in the girls' school. "The schools have a very high level of education in English and they also teach good Turkish, Muslim values, terbiye [manners]." The schools started out free but now collect tuition — the aim being not to teach the poor but to train a future elite. Tuition in Almaty is $5,000 a year. Running a school costs about $800,000 a year and that's where businesses come in — and the tithe.

Here's how Gülen, Inc. works: in 1991 Gülen gathered several dozen businessmen from different Turkish cities and to each he entrusted a different city in Central Asia. The man from the western city of Adapazari got Bishkek, the one from Izmir got Almaty. Each sent a delegation to live there and establish businesses importing food or textiles or TVs. The group took advantage of the infrastructure vacuum created by the Soviet collapse and built up ties with officials. Eventually they were granted vacant buildings or classrooms. "Mutualism," says Sel, ever the science teacher. "The schools and businesses feed each other." Like cells, every country's program is fully autonomous, with their own office back in Turkey. Though just a two-hour drive apart, administrators in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan barely knew each other. (See pictures of life in Istanbul.)

Saulesh Kusainova, then 35, was in charge of facilities at the Ministry of Education in Almaty in 1992 when a group of Turkish men appeared in her office. They spoke neither Kazakh nor Russian but "I understood they wanted a building for a school," she says. She eventually gave them two classrooms, one each for boys and girls, and was paid with bags of cash transported from Turkey. "I knew instantly they were good, decent people," she says, taking a framed photo of Gülen, whom she calls her teacher, from her purse. "It was impossible not to be affected by them. At that time, Kazakhstan was a mess and these people came to help us." Many people I speak to cite gratitude. "Kazakhstan then was like Afghanistan today," says Muhsin Karademir, a Kazakh real estate developer. "You couldn't walk down the street because someone would pull a gun."

The schools serve to reinforce the businesses; graduates patronize them and a network of alumni builds. Restaurateur Sancak Demirci started out in 1994 with a small shop serving kebabs in downtown Almaty. Two years ago he expanded to a sleek, marbled, two-story venue, and is about to launch three franchises across Kazakhstan. "When you are called on to serve and you believe, you do anything," he says. "Imagine a kind of love beyond what you feel for your children, that's what this community shares. Whatever I own, is for the schools." He says he contributes half his monthly earnings to the cause.

Two faces

Schools are less reliant on Turkish donors now that parents and graduates contribute. "I don't know anyone who doesn't support these guys," says Karademir. "I'm not a religious guy. But I admire the work they do. Would I have come here under those conditions? Hell, no. But they did. People recognize that and are grateful."

The movement has two faces. Pushing abroad, largely under secular regimes, it is maturing and becoming more tolerant. To be sure, the youthful men who run   it abide by a strict code. (The decision makers are all men, their wives rarely work.) They believe in one truth and see everybody else as in need of saving. But they also teach children of all religions, watch Kung-Fu Panda with their students, often speak fluent Russian and jump over bonfires at Newroz, a pagan new-year tradition. "If people are scared of us," says Sel, "it means we haven't explained ourselves. To judge someone's lifestyle is up to God, not me."

Add a quest for power to that fervor, though, and it gets complicated. In Turkey the movement is insular, growing and seems to harbor a mysterious political agenda. "On one level you have activities like the schools, which are hard not to be impressed by," says King's College lecturer Park. "Then there's the political element, which appears suspicious because it's rich, secretive and nobody really knows what it's up to." Gülen says he is opposed to theocracy, yet his supporters suggest that they would like more space for Islam in public life. But how will that come to pass? The future shape of secularism in Turkey — and around the Islamic world — might rest on that answer.

Published on the Time Magazine, 26 April 2010, Monday

Gulen Movement's inclusiveness and benefits to wider society

2011-12-31T00:00:00.000-08:00

fgulen.org

Is the Gülen Movement trying to build a separate, exclusive society?

The majority of people who participate in the services are introduced by friends.

The fact that it is not via relatives or through some kind of clan system shows that relationships in the Movement can be inclusive, transformative and lasting. Also, the fact that introduction to and participation in the Movement or service-projects occurs through acquaintances in everyday life and through work colleagues indicates that the cultural perspective or worldview of the Gülen Movement is regarded as legitimate and rational. The participation of individuals who did not grow up within the Gülen community or its networks is also significant: it indicates purely individual choices and a strong subjective identification; people make an active rationalizing and reckoning of the decision to participate in the collective action of the Movement.

How are participants in the Gülen Movement able to establish and retain their links with the wider public?

The dense, strong and multiple affiliations that individuals enjoy within project-networks inspire, motivate and commit them to the services the project yields.

But participants do not separate their private lives from those projects. Rather, they link their private lives to their public activities and their societal environment. This leads to harmonious and peaceful continuities rather than detachment, alienation, frustration and antagonism.

There are also a great number of individuals who are sympathetic to the collective action of the Movement but do not become active in it. This indicates that the Movement is not an isolated actor and is able to establish affective links with and among the wider public. Indeed, there is no expectation in the Movement that participants should sever previous social ties. They are expected to have other ties too, and to make new ties while ‘in’ the Movement. Such multiple affiliations are in principle and practice welcomed: loyalty centers upon effective delivery of service-projects and complementarity between them. It does not center upon the Movement as such. Solidarity among Gülen Movement participants ensues from sharing work effort and from shared experiences and memories; it is not pursued as a precondition of doing the work at all.

In what way are the Gülen Movement's networks beneficial to wider society?

The Gülen Movement has been mainly organized through informal, everyday life cutting across interpersonal relationships.

This links the participants of local communities to each other. Within these networks relationships are embedded in systems of relationships based on friendship, neighborhood, professions, and personal interests. Relationships range through social, cultural and religious, communitarian and humanitarian activities. The activities exceed by far the sphere of overt political activities and link across localities and generations. Participants have proven themselves capable of bridging ideological and social barriers through multiple participations, and capable of strengthening mutual trust.

Although they seem relatively simple, the networks play a significant counseling role that connects individuals to broader social dynamics and diverse SMOs. New potentials in the society that that might be drawn to conflict and violence are thus transformed into productive, collective and useful actions and constructive projects.

Turkish school graduates in Bosnia now teachers at alma maters

2011-12-30T00:00:00.000-08:00

Ömer Çetres / Zlatan Kapiç

Ten graduates of Turkish schools in Bosnia which were opened right after the Bosnian war are now working as teachers at the schools they attended as students, the Anatolia news agency has reported.

The Turkish schools, which were opened with the help of volunteer Turkish teachers right after the 1992-1995 Bosnian war, are among the top educational institutions in the country.

Graduates of Turkish schools in Bosnia are now working as teachers at the schools they attended as students.
Sarajevo is also home to a university built by Turkish entrepreneurs. (Photo: AA)

The first Turkish school was opened in 1996 at a building in Sarajevo's Vraca neighborhood, which was under the control of Serbs during the war and used by Chetniks, Serb fascists who tortured and killed thousands of Bosnians. The years that followed saw more Turkish schools open. Today, there are seven schools in four cities welcoming elementary and high school students. Additionally, Sarajevo is also home to a university built by Turkish entrepreneurs.

Some 1,500 graduates of the Sema Education Association, an association established by the Turkish schools, are now serving their people in various parts of Bosnia while some of them are working as teachers in the schools they graduated from. These teachers, who did not know a word of Turkish, are now teaching Turkish to their Bosnian students.

Speaking to Anatolia, 23-year-old Mirza Obric, who studied at the International Turkish College in Ilidza, a suburb of Sarajevo, is now teaching Turkish to Bosnian children at the school he studied.

Obric said he is very pleased to be working with the teachers who taught him. He added, “When I first started to work at the school, I was confused about how to address my teachers who had taught me for years. This is why I thought it best to call them ‘ağabey' [elder brother in Turkish]. My ağabeys and I are now working towards building the future generations.”

The young teacher added that he did not speak or understand Turkish at all at first but that he is now teaching Turkish to Bosnian children at the very school where he learned to speak Turkish.

Obric said one of his teachers, Ceylani Akay, had paid a visit to his house to speak to his parents regarding his progress at the school. “Ceylani ağabey's son is a student of mine. I recently visited their house, just at Ceylani ağabey visited mine some time ago. This visit was very emotional.”

Mustafa Doğan, the head master of the International Turkish College, who has been working as a teacher for 11 years in Bosnia, said it is very nice to see his students come back to the school as teachers

Published on Today's Zaman, 28 December 2011, Wednesday

Ahmet Şık’s book and Ergenekon’s media campaign

2011-12-29T00:00:00.000-08:00

Emre Uslu

The Odatv trial has finally begun after months of waiting. The time between the first arrest and the beginning of the trial was a very long time and reason for widespread complaint. This time is not only problematic for the suspects who may have spent excessive time in prison -- and may not even be found guilty at the end of their trial -- it is also a problem for prosecutors who have arrested well-known suspects.

During this period, suspects have used media outlets to spread their message to the public and create the image that they are not guilty but are imprisoned because of their political stance. There are many people in Turkey who spent years behind bars because they did not have media influence.

The former guardians of the republic -- military generals, deep state operatives and Ergenekon suspects -- have well-maintained relations with media outlets. Kurdish Communities Union (KCK) suspects who have access to Kurdish media outlets (not foot soldiers; Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) militants do not have such connections) have also spread their messages to the media and formed communities to support them during their trials, as well as campaigned to improve their public relations. Once they form their base in a community, even if they are found guilty, they are actually victorious because the public perceives that “the court found them guilty because it was politically oriented.”

These defendants visit TV stations almost every evening to explain that their clients are not guilty of anything; they were imprisoned because of politically oriented prosecutors or police. The prosecutors do not have the privilege of presenting their cases on TV or to other media outlets. Technically it is not allowed to share the details of the KCK case. So the prosecutors or police leak some of their evidence to the media in order to defend themselves indirectly, while the defendants use every opportunity to directly build public relations campaigns.

The Ergenekon trials are one of the most well-known examples of this phenomenon. The defendants in the Ergenekon trial, most of whom have previously established relations with media outlets, have used the media to explain their position to the public, not the courts. They even extended their public relations campaigns to the capitals of European countries and Washington, D.C., where they sent supporters to use media relations that were established back when they were active members of the military or bureaucracy. They are able to win support from Western capitals and use them to exert pressure in Turkey. For instance, to increase Western support for Ergenekon’s media presence in the trial that began on Monday, known as the Odatv case, some Ergenekon-friendly Turkish journalists who normally tweet in Turkish were tweeting in English to maintain already-established support from the West.

One should admit that the pro-Ergenekon network worked very hard to build support in Western capitals. Now there are many people in the West who think that the Ergenekon trial has imprisoned anti-Justice and Development Party (AK Party) individuals not because of their guilt, but because of their opposition to the AK Party government.

Within Turkey’s ultranationalist camps, supporters of the Kemalist system have already extended their support to the Ergenekon network. So there is a sizable community in Turkey that believes whatever is said by a suspect in the Ergenekon case.

The last Ergenekon campaign was launched when journalists Ahmet Şık and Nedim Sener were arrested and accused of alleged links to the Odatv media outlet, which is widely believed to be an organization that is connected with elements of the deep state. Şık’s arrest was further exaggerated because he was allegedly writing a book against the Gülen movement’s influence in the police force. Şık was arrested to prevent his book from being published.

I will continue to write on this subject in my next article.

Published on Today's Zaman, 28 December 2011, Wednesday

Why is the Gülen Movement made up of service networks?

2011-12-28T00:05:00.000-08:00

fgulen.org

In everyday life, intimate interpersonal relations and emotional relationships with those closest to them allow individuals to make sense of their world through networks.

Interpersonal interactions and affective bonds are the fundamental background to movement participation. Through the service-networks people become more able to reach out to other systems, relations, meanings, goals and interests. Without such networks, it is not possible for most people to reach out to all these on their own.

Several researchers have measured self-efficacy and find that the more active movement participants are, the more assertive, self-confident, energetic, and effective they are in using their capabilities, as compared to those who are less engaged in activism.

The Movement exhibits a unified identity based upon beneficial services for all, and is organized in networks because the relationships in the Gülen Movement are not hierarchical, mechanical or predetermined. This way, one group or network does not impose on others a greater burden of limitations or liabilities. The networks allow a relationship of autonomy and interdependence.

How do individuals and groups in the Gülen Movement “make sense of their world through networks”?

Individuals and groups have come together in the Movement to make sense of their being in togetherness and in action.

They recognize and sustain the meanings, values and plurality of aspects that they find in being and acting together. They share orientations that bind actors and the specific way of acting together through time. They share, within the opportunities and constraints, what is produced by their work. They share also the definitions of legitimate goals and ways of achieving them, the field in which they are working, and what sort of investments they can make in a project and what rewards they can expect. These continuous processes become a network of active relationships between actors who interact, communicate, influence each other, negotiate, and make decisions.

In fact, people can participate in the service-projects and institutions of the Gülen Movement at various levels of commitment and with different degrees of involvement. To be sure, a shared identity characterizes the Movement as a whole. But different levels of affiliation of participants and non-participants with the service-projects and SMOs make the identity of the Movement open and inclusive.

Networking, participation and affiliation within the Gülen Movement are not alienating or sectarian because the Movement is open to the outside world, and it does not have or seek a totalitarian organizational structure, but instead has and seeks compatibility with other collective actors and civil society bodies. The Movement is not restricted to a certain time and place (or territory). However, this inclusiveness has no negative effect on the homogeneity or effectiveness of the service-projects.

Social backgrounds of the people in the Gülen Movement and those who support "externally"

2011-12-27T00:00:00.000-08:00

fgulen.org

What social backgrounds do people in the Gülen Movement come from?

People are attracted to the Gülen Movement by exemplary friends from the Gülen Movement, by people in their immediate environment, neighbors, and relatives and by their conduct and sincerity, by reading Gülen's works and listening to his lectures, by the overall meaning and the message of the altruistic services, and by the worldview of the Gülen Movement.

The overwhelming majority of participants are young university students. The next largest group (almost as numerous) consists of university graduates. The average age in the Movement is 25–30. Most of the students or people in the service-networks are middle or upper-middle class. They are from better integrated backgrounds, urban, with a high level of academic achievement.

The volunteer–participants are educated and urban middle class, relatively privileged and better integrated: they hold the technical and cultural competence or an economic-functional position that makes them more likely to mobilize because they see the contradictions of the system, and their educational level and intellectual milieu foster egalitarian and anti-authoritarian values.

Participation among university students and educated newcomers from a wide variety of social experiences and backgrounds has grown, but this has not radicalized the Gülen Movement, nor caused cleavages to emerge either in it or Turkish society. The participants in fact prioritize individual achievement in private, and expansion of freedom of expression, and democratic participation.

What is the socio-economic background of those who do not belong to the Gülen Movement but support its collective action?

They are highly diverse and widespread. It is difficult to identify specific social categories within the varied and widespread socio-economic groups who maintain a co-operative (but not participatory) relationship with the Movement. They belong to an increasing number of roles and professions.

However, it is possible to say that the overwhelming majority of educated participants in the Movement do not work in religiously-oriented occupations but in education, engineering, the sciences and business. They support a moderate faith-inspired initiative to build a network of schools, universities, hospitals, media and businesses. This is interpreted as a ‘third way’ between the forces of militant secularism and radical Islamism. That too is a factor encouraging more co-operative support for the Movement from non-participants or ‘third parties’. A good example is the book, Barış Köprüleri: Dünyaya Açılan Türk Okulları (“Bridges of Peace: Turkish Schools Opening to the World”), a compilation of twenty-seven articles written by ‘third-party’ statesmen, politicians, scholars, thinkers and journalists. The articles discuss more than 300 educational institutions and other efforts of the volunteers of the Gülen Movement in ninety countries.

Nature of participation and membership in the Gülen Movement

2011-12-26T00:00:00.000-08:00

fgulen.org

What kind of people participate in the Gülen Movement?

Many people from all walks of life and different intellectual backgrounds participate in the service projects.

The types of service Gülen advocates – education, health, intercultural and interfaith dialogue, cooperation of civilizations – require action, and concern relationships in the everyday lives of all members of society and humanity.

The relationships are affective: interpersonal, social, informal and integrative; professional: formal and contractual; cultural: educational, self-reflective, altruistic and apolitical; locational: project-based and inclusive; and transnational: – peaceful, collaborative and civilizing.

What is the nature of membership of the Gülen Movement?

There is no formal membership as such in the Movement. Individuals do not belong to any single community or network only.

What distinguishes the Gülen Movement is the multiplicity of its participants’ affiliations; they participate simultaneously in a number of areas of social life and in associations of various kinds.

Author and journalist Abdullah Aymaz exemplifies these multiple affiliations: “I am a teacher and a writer. I have commitments like my job and also voluntary extra contributions at the media organ I work for as a columnist. I also take part in neighborhood and community work where my family resides. I have interests in scientific issues and therefore take part in the editorial board and the selection committee of a popular scientific monthly. My children attend a high school and I take part in the family group of the school to improve the educational level of the school. I also engage in interfaith dialogue and visit and receive people from different faith communities. I also attend meetings and networks of people from my own hometown and former places I lived in. In short, I participate in several networks due to my place of residence, job, interests, hometown, children’s education, and so forth. Likewise, there are thousands of people attending more networks and doing more community services in the Gülen Movement than I do.”

In each of these settings only a part of the self, and only certain dimensions of the personality and experience, are activated. In a religiously-motivated search, alternative affiliations are a journey for personal and spiritual development and meaning.

The Gülen Movement and its Chief Priority

2011-12-25T00:00:00.000-08:00

fgulen.org

What is the Gülen Movement?

The Gülen Movement originated in 1970s' Turkey as a faith-inspired initiative to improve educational opportunities for a local community; since then, it has grown into a transnational educational, inter-cultural and interfaith movement.

It is estimated that participants number in several millions. The Gülen Movement has securely established, respected institutions (of different kinds, but mostly schools) on every continent.

What is the place of moral and spiritual values in the Gülen Movement?

Since the Gülen Movement originated as a faith-inspired civil society movement, motivations for participation include spiritual resources and moral values drawn from the Islamic tradition, like altruism and other non-material incentives.

What is the Movement's chief priority?

The Movement's chief priority is education. In Gülen's view the establishment of justice is hindered by the lack of well-rounded education, as is the recognition of human rights and attitudes of acceptance and tolerance toward others: ‘If you wish to keep the masses under control, simply starve them in the area of knowledge.

They can escape such tyranny only through education. The road to social justice is paved with adequate, universal education, for only this will give people sufficient understanding and tolerance to respect the rights of others.’

Gülen holds that a new style of education is necessary. This education will fuse religious and scientific knowledge with morality and spirituality. It will produce genuinely enlightened people with hearts illumined by religious sciences and spirituality, and minds illuminated with positive sciences. The actions and life-styles of such people will embody humanity and moral values, and they will understand the socio-economic and political conditions of their time.

The education supported by the Movement is oriented to enabling people to think for themselves, to be agents of change on behalf of the positive values of social justice, human rights and tolerance. This sharply distinguishes the Movement from exclusivist organizations or cults which are oriented inward and demand conformity from group members (of which the private rites, insignia, etc., are a badge).

The joy of circumcision for Somalian children

2011-12-24T00:00:00.000-08:00

Kimse Yok Mu

KYM is sharing the excitement of Somalian children's circumcisions. The project was started on the 1st of November 2011, when Somalian families applied to KYM Association's Somalia branch to perform the operations on their children, and these operations are taking place.

Volunteer doctors and medical staff are conducting the project, and so far 650 children have been circumcised.

Somalian children still waiting for their circumcisions are expected to be in the thousands and the project has already became morale and source for the Somalian families. The cost of circumcision for one child is only $50.

KYM Association Somalia Representative Orhan Erdogan brought attention to the fact that TIKA President Dr. Serdar Cam and AK Party Deputy Chairman Huseyin Serdar have visited the Somalian children and became their god parents. He also stated that in the coming days we want to organize a circumcision celebration to bring smiles to the Somalian families.

Published on Kimse Yok Mu, 16 December 2011, Friday

Turkey moves far beyond Europe

2011-12-23T00:00:00.000-08:00

Soner Çağaptay

The Turks are selling pasta to the Italians, educating Papua-New Guineans in their universities, building airports in Egypt, running schools in Nigeria and establishing diplomatic missions in Latin America. Turkey has not felt and acted like the confident global player it is today since the heyday of the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century.

After the decline of the Ottoman Empire in the eighteenth century, the Turks tried to belong to Europe in hopes of eventually becoming an ordinary country subsumed by it. That dream has passed. In the past decade, a new Turkey was born, shaped by unprecedented political stability, domestic growth and new-found commercial and political clout overseas. This has instilled a sense of global confidence in the Turkish people, not seen since Suleiman the Magnificent ruled in Constantinople. "And the new Turkey is here to stay," says Namik Tan, the Turkish ambassador to Washington.

Like a Eurasian China, the new Turkey is interested in building influence across the globe and is no longer confined by a regional, European rubric.

Recently, visiting Istanbul, I attended a conference on the Arab Spring organized by Abant Platform, a local NGO that gathers Turkish intellectuals of different stripes for policy debates. The conference - this time with attendees from Washington, Tel Aviv, London, St. Petersburg and Arab capitals in addition to Turks - debated Turkey's leadership role in the Arab Spring.

The venue was Ciragan Palace, a former Ottoman residence on the Bosporus and an apt selection for the new Turkey. Over Turkish coffee served a la Ottoman with double-roasted Turkish delight on the side, Ali Aslan, a Turkish journalist, summed up the new Turkey for me: "Ten years ago, the Turks would not have organized a conference on the Middle East lest this made them look non-European. And if such a conference were ever conceived, it would be run by the government and staged in Ankara, with all the participants making arguments in favor of following Europe's footsteps."

The new Turkey looks beyond Europe and thinks globally for a variety of reasons. Turks feel confident as the world around them suffers from economic meltdown while Turkey booms: In the third quarter of 2011, the Turkish economy grew by a record 8.2 percent, outpacing not only the county's neighbors, but also all of Europe.

Furthermore, since 2002, the Turkish economy has nearly tripled in size, experiencing the longest spurt of prosperity in modern Turkish history. The Turkish daily Sabah wrote that in 2011 alone, another 9,755 millionaires joined the country's wealthy. Just as sudden spread of middle-class prosperity in 1950s United States instilled a can-do attitude in American sentiments towards the world, the same is now happening in Turkey. A young cab driver I spoke with in Istanbul said: "Europe is too small an arena for Turkey; we need to be a global player."

Turkish trade is already heading away from Europe. The continent's economic doldrums coupled with Turkey's new trans-European vision means that the country's traditional commercial bonds with Europe are eroding while its trade links with the non-European world flourish. In 1999, for instance, the European Union accounted for over fifty-six percent of Turkish trade. In 2011, this number went down to forty-one percent, while the share of members of the Organization of Islamic Countries in Turkish trade climbed from twelve percent to twenty percent in the same period.

Paralleling this trend, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has pursued a foreign policy that transcends Turkey's European vocation, irreversibly re-molding Turkey's identity. "After suffering through eight coalition governments and four economic crises, the Turkish people have welcomed ten years of a stable AKP government even if it has meant entrenched single-party rule" says Asli Aydintasbas, a columnist with mainstream Turkish daily Milliyet.

Elected in 2002 and slated to pick the country's next president in 2014, the AKP has already run Turkey longer than any other party since Ankara became a democracy in 1946. As it is likely to outlive even Ataturk's fifteen-year domination of Turkish politics in the early twentieth century, the AKP's global vision will continue to prevail.

Buoyed by economic dynamism, political stability, and a new supra-European vision, the Turks have accordingly reached far and abroad to build soft power in places they had earlier ignored, such as the Middle East, Africa and even far-flung countries such as Vietnam and Mongolia.

The private sector, universities and NGOs are driving this agenda, shaping the new Turkish supra-European identity. This trend can best be observed in cities dominated by the middle class: in Gaziantep, the country's sixth largest town, as well as other middle-sized towns such as Kayseri, Konya, Malatya, and Denizli. Dubbed "the Anatolian Tigers" for driving the country's record-breaking growth rate, these towns have also provided solid support to the AKP while linking Turkey to the Middle East, Africa and beyond.

Gaziantep, near the Syrian border, has factories that manufacture almost everything, selling goods to over 70 countries. The town's pasta ends up on Italian dinner plates. In this sense, Gaziantep is like an Anatolian Guangzhou, the Chinese hub famous for selling its wares to the most distant and unlikely places.

But unlike Guangzhou, Gaziantep is also building soft power for Turkey. Zirve University in Gaziantep is a testimony to this. Funded by the local billionaire Nakiboglu family, which made its wealth recently in international commerce, the university has a gleaming campus that rises amid Gaziantep's famous pistachio groves.

Visiting this campus is like visiting the new Turkey. Gokhan Bacik, a professor of international relations who studies Turkey's new active Middle East policy, told me that already, over ten percent of the university's student body is foreign despite the fact that the university opened only two years ago. Many students hail from the Middle East, especially nearby Syria, as well as the Balkans, Africa, the former Soviet Union, and even Europe. "We have students from Austria and Papua New Guinea," he added.

Gaziantep is the epitome of the new Turkey. For years, it was known in Turkey for its heavenly pistachio nut-filled baklavas. Today, shops in the town's gentrified medieval old city and along tram-lined streets in leafy middle-class districts proudly display the "world's best baklava," making a culinary claim to Turkey's new global identity.

Additionally, businesspeople from Gaziantep and other Anatolian Tigers are busy financing and managing construction projects across the world, including Cairo's new airport terminal and major projects from Russia to Mongolia. Others are launching schools to educate future elites in countries around the globe, including Nigeria, Morocco, Brazil, and Vietnam, demonstrating further soft power in the making. Most of these businessmen and schools belong to the Sufi-inspired Gulen Movement, a force to be reckoned with in the new Turkey. Mustafa Sungur, who sympathizes with the movement, says that the "Movement has Turkish schools in almost all countries of the world with the exception of authoritarian places such as North Korea, Iran and Saudi Arabia."

In the end, it all comes down to Istanbul. By securing itself in the Middle East, the former Soviet Union, Asia, and Africa, the new Turkey is anchoring these regions in Istanbul. The city was the center of the Ottoman, Byzantine, and Roman empires for 1,700 years, and it is once again reclaiming its dominance as a global capital. Accounting for one-third of Turkey's 1.1 trillion dollar economy, Istanbul's wealth already dwarfs all of Turkey's neighbors, expect for oil-rich Iran.

Yet, the city reaches even beyond Turkey's immediate neighbors. Ten years ago, you could fly direct from Istanbul to a mere seventy-five international destinations, most of them in Europe, on Turkish Airlines, the country's flagship carrier. Today, Turkish Airlines offers direct flights from Istanbul to over 150 international destinations. The majority of the new destinations are in Africa, the Middle East, and Asia, including Dhaka, Dar es Salam, and Damman. In Iraq alone, the airline serves six cities, providing the most connections between that country and the outside world, and in December, the company provided the first international connection to Misrata, Libya, beating the competition to reach Libya's oil capital.

Turkey's new global identity is increasingly shaping its foreign policy, as well. Like the country's national airlines, its diplomats seem to be following Turkey's businesspeople and reaching even further beyond. In the past decade, Turkey has opened up over forty new diplomatic missions, most of them in Africa and Asia, including Basra, Maputo, Accra, Juba and Yaoundé. It has also set up posts in Latin America and now has diplomatic reach in Bogota and Santiago.

This posturing suggests that Turkey's new supra-European identity and global confidence is here to stay. That, of course, requires the Turkish economy to keep humming and the country to remain stable. If Turkey plays its hand well, the same economic factors responsible for facilitating its rise beyond Europe will continue to help it maintain its confident global outlook.

Take, for instance, Turkey's current accounts deficit which stands at a whopping 9.8 percent, the highest figure among the forty-two developed economies recently reviewed by The Economist. Most economies cannot sustain such a high deficit, but it is likely that Turkey can due to its position of stability amongst its neighbors, causing a steady flow of money into the country.

My brother Ali Cagatay, Bloomberg Turkey's news editor, told me that as much as six billion dollars have flowed into Turkey from Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and the former Soviet Union in the first ten months of 2011 alone, helping the country's economy to finance its deficit. In Hatay province, which borders Syria, bank deposits have increased by 1.1 billion dollars in the past year, thanks to wealthy Syrians who are putting their money into Turkey for safeguarding. "In addition to money coming in from its non-European neighbors, Turkey also attracts massive inflows from European and other Western banks which see Turkish markets as a rare safe haven in these tumultuous times," adds a Turkish banker based in London.

This is why it is essential that the new Turkey is a responsible global player. The need for continued stability is the very reason Turkey cannot afford to be a bully. Take, for instance, Ankara's threats to Israel over the flotilla incident. After Israel refused to apologize, some officials threatened to send the Turkish navy to confront the Israelis. It is in Turkey's best interest to avoid conflict, which is the reason Ankara stepped away from confrontation with Israel.

Turkey is confident and can afford to look beyond Europe because it continues to grow. And Turkey grows because it is deemed stable and investment grade while the world around it goes through economic and political convulsions. A belligerent foreign policy and political instability would almost certainly usher in economic instability, ending Turkey's run for global influence. In short, the new Turkey's soft power rests on Turkey being a soft country.

Published on CNN World, 22 December 2011, Thursday

The Journalists and Writers Foundation’s suggestions for a constitution

2011-12-22T00:00:00.000-08:00

İhsan Yılmaz

Several civil society organizations have been presenting their suggestions for a new constitution to a parliamentary sub-committee. A few days ago, the Journalists and Writers Foundation (GYV) was received and listened to by the committee. The GYV did not present a full package but summarized its understanding on the most sensitive issues that have been hotly debated in the country.

I find this development very important for two reasons. The first one is related to the identity of the GYV. As is well known, its honorary chairman is an influential Islamic scholar, Fethullah Gülen, who is widely respected in Turkey. Gülen has inspired a worldwide faith-based movement of volunteers known as the Hizmet movement, which is very influential in the country. Thus, what the Hizmet says about the new constitution is very important.

Secondly, the content of the GYV package is crucial. I must say that I find it very courageous. The movement is known to be cautious about sensitive issues in order to not attract the wrath of oppressing forces in the country but also not to alienate its supporters. Nevertheless, with its new suggestions, the GYV under the guidance of Gülen has shown another case of leading the movement by taking some risk. Now, let me explain what I mean by “taking some risk.”

The GYV’s proposal, which is one of the most important, is centered around the description of citizenship in the Constitution; the current Constitution says, “Everyone bound to the Turkish state through the bond of citizenship is a Turk.” Instead of stressing “Turk,” the GYV suggested that the new constitution should adopt the concept of “constitutional citizenship,” not stressing identity and belonging but accepting differences as part of the country’s richness. With regards to people’s right to education in their mother tongue, the GYV stated that “in primary and middle schools, the language of education should be Turkish; however, when there are demands from parents that another language should be used as the language of education, then there should be arrangements to cater to those demands,” adding that many countries use a dual-language education system. Details like how many hours should be dedicated to another language and how many courses should be taught in that language should be determined depending on demand. Regional autonomy is another topic that is included in the GYV suggestions. The GYV underlined that “it should be clearly stressed that the state is unitary, not federal, but there should be structuring to allow local administrations without harming the state’s political unity. Local administrations’ duties and responsibilities should be developed in accordance with contemporary practices.” Another one of the GYV’s suggestions relates to the status of the Religious Affairs Directorate, which the GYV says should be autonomous and include services for people from all religions. The GYV also suggested that the decision about what religion will be taught to children in school and whether or not children will attend religion classes should be up to the parents of those children.

The Hizmet movement in Turkey is mainly composed of Sunni Turks even though it is also influential among Kurds. The movement has always been wrongly accused of Turkish nationalism. Even though this is not entirely true, sometimes some participants of the movement could be confused with regards to borders between patriotism, civic nationalism and un-Islamic ethnic nationalism. Most of these confused people would oppose education in the Kurdish language. Thus it is crucial that against such a background, and the movement makes a bold move by challenging the conventional nation-state understanding in Turkey. Similarly, many Sunnis would not be happy to change the status of the Religious Affairs Directorate or see compulsory religious education classes removed, but the movement has been courageous on these issues as well.

The movement’s bold move should also be encouraging for the Justice and Development Party (AKP) as both the movement and the AKP more or less address similar audiences. One may interpret these suggestions as quality “concessions” by a predominantly Sunni-Turkish group, and I believe if other influential sections of society can make such “concessions,” a reconciliation is possible if not hampered by the whims and desires of the politicians, such as trying to have a presidential system.

Published on Today's Zaman, 21 December 2011, Wednesday

Turkey Makes Inroads into Africa

2011-12-21T00:00:00.001-08:00

Menekse Tokyay

As part of Turkey's opening to Africa, on Friday (December 16th) the ministers of 54 countries of the African Union and representatives of African institutions concluded the first Ministerial Review Conference of the Africa-Turkey Partnership to improve ties between the continent and Turkey, following a similar summit in 2008.

Turkey's budding relationship with Africa helped it win
a seat in the UN Security Council in 2009-10 and
may yet secure it another in its 2015-16 bid. [Reuters]

Having gained observer status in the African Union in 2005, Turkey has been acting as a voice for Africa and Least Developed Countries (LDCs) at international platforms such as the G20 and Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC).

In 2002, Turkey had 12 embassies in Africa. By early next year, it will have 33.

Before the African opening, trade volume between Turkey and Africa was approximately $5.4 billion in 2003, while this number increased to $15.7 billion in 2010. By 2014, the government aims to increase bilateral trade to $50 billion.

"Turkey is now focusing mostly on trade, with only a small reference to politics, because the economy is much more important and urgent for African countries than political issues," explained Mehmet Ozkan, an Africa analyst at the SETA Foundation.

As elsewhere in the world, the Turkish contracting sector is showing its canny ability to operate in difficult environments in pursuit of business opportunities and new markets.

"The foreign direct investments of Turkey in the African continent are mainly greenfield investments by constructing new operational facilities from the ground up," explained Associate Professor Sedat Aybar, director of Middle East and Africa Studies Centre at Kadir Has University. "The leading sector is construction, followed by manufacturing and agricultural vehicles."

"Complementarities between Turkey's export items and Africa's import items further increase the trade potential between the parties," he noted.

The Turkish economy's growth requires new markets and resources, making Africa's huge untapped resources and large market size a new centre of Turkish attention.

Abdi Aynte, a Somali journalist, says that part of Turkey's interest in Africa is a desire to acquire resources. "As a fast-growing economy, it would need raw materials to support that growth. It also needs new markets for its export-based economy."

"Africa is fertile ground for Turkey. Much of the world has shown its back to Africa, but Turkey seems to have appreciated the possibility," he added.

Questions remain whether Turkey's involvement will be strictly business or, over time, evolve to encompass issues like conflict prevention, human rights, democracy and the environment -- issues competitors like China often turn a blind eye to.

According to Professor Emeritus John Weeks of Kadir Has University, "Since Turkey is less powerful than Africa's major trading partners, its role is likely to be less aggressive."

Overtime, however, as Turkey increases its economic relations on the continent it may become more politically involved, which can be seen most clearly in Turkish foreign policy towards Somalia.

"The fact that Turkey is not making too many political alliances now should not be interpreted as lack of political aspirations," Ozkan says, adding that both sides are just beginning to discover each other.

"I think political relations will be much more important in coming years … there are also requests that Turkey become involved in conflict resolution issues in Africa, such as in Somalia and Sudan," he argues.

Building on budding economic and political relationships, Turkey has also tried to increase its footprint on the continent through aid projects and civil society initiatives.

The Turkish International Co-operation and Development Agency (TIKA) has permanent offices in Ethiopia, Dakar and Khartoum. The government has also been handing out scholarships for Africans to study in Turkey.

And then there are the Islamist Gulenists, who are brandishing Turkey's moderate version of Islam with the establishment of over 60 high-quality modern schools in 30 African countries.

"In parallel with the political emergence of Turkey in the continent, the initiatives of civil society, mainly Fethullah Gulen schools, increased the visibility of Turkey by teaching Turkish to African students and drawing a positive image about Turkey," Ishak Alaton, a prominent Turkish businessman and South Africa's honorary consul in Istanbul, explained to SES Türkiye.

"This affective background formed by Gulen schools empowered the networks of Turkish businessmen when visiting African countries," Alaton added.

Published on SES Turkiye, 19 December 2011, Monday

Emphasizing “We” in Gulen’s Thought

2011-12-20T00:00:00.001-08:00

Stuart William

While reading an article about Robert Putnam’s ‘hunkering down’ theory, I was struck by how close Putnam comes to one of the most vital points at the core of Gulen’s teachings on dialogue.

‘Hunkering down’ is the phrase Putnam used to describe how people can react when they are exposed to others of different cultural heritage and ethnicity. He developed this idea after extensive observation of what was really happening in urban areas where large numbers of immigrants had settled among the ‘host’ community.

The dominant explanations of what happens in this situation were the contact theory and the conflict theory. The contact theory suggested that the more interactions you have with cultural/ethnic diversity, the more sympathetic you become to those unlike yourself and, therefore, the less obsessive you are about your own cultural identity. According to this theory, with increased exposure to ‘others’, in-group solidarity diminishes, out-group solidarity grows.

On the other hand, the conflict theory suggested that increased exposure to ‘others’ results in stronger identification with your own group, leading to retreat from and suspicion of those who are not from that group. According to this theory, with increased exposure to ‘others’, out-group solidarity weakens while in-group solidarity heightens to the point of turning into ethnocentrism.

Putnam’s observations suggested that what really happens is that both in-group and out-group solidarity suffer when we are surrounded by increased ethnic and cultural diversity. In other words: not only do we become more wary of people who are different from us, we also pull away from people of our own group. Putnam drew a correlation between increased exposure to ethnic diversity and an increase in individual isolation — a ‘hunkering down’: ‘Trust (even of one’s own race) is lower, altruism and community cooperation rarer, friends fewer.’

This ‘hunkering down’ constitutes a failure in community and solidarity which greatly diminishes the scope of individual and collective life. He says: ‘my hunch is that at the end we shall see that the challenge is best met not by making “them” like “us”, but rather by creating a new, more capacious sense of “we”, a reconstruction of diversity that does not bleach out ethnic specificities, but creates overarching identities that ensure that those specificities do not trigger the allergic, “hunker down” reaction.’

Gulen’s teachings and the practice that those teachings have inspired over the past thirty years – first within Turkey, then in the neighbouring Turkic countries, and now worldwide – have consistently aimed to build precisely this more capacious sense of ‘we’ that Putnam envisages.

Gulen teaches us, first of all, to respect the differences between ‘us’ and ‘others’, meaning that we must begin from the idea that what everybody stands for is good. Then, on the foundation of that respect, we will discover and recognize the commonalities between ‘us’ and ‘them’. That in turn helps us to build genuinely pluralistic societies, which relish a stronger and wider identity of ‘we’.

In Gulen’s teachings the human person is the primary and most valued identity. In his famous phrase, he said: ‘We are human first and Muslim, Christian, Jew afterward.’ He condemns dehumanizing anybody on any ground, be it community, nationality or ethnicity. He fully embraces the saying of the famous Turkish Sufi poet Yunus Emre: ‘We love the creature because of the Creator.’

Gulen re-conceives attitudes towards human differences from within the perspective of Muslim faith and history. He sees the religion as uniting people, not separating or segregating them. Referring to the Qur’anic commands to seek peace and unity, Gulen noted that the Qur’an refers to the Treaty of Hudaybiyyah as a conquest. Because with that treaty, the ‘door of conflict closed but the door to the hearts opened’. In an interview he explained that he weeps for Israeli children just as he weeps for Palestinian children. It is in this sense that we affirm that the Gulen Movement is strongly faith inspired but this faith serves it as a tool for uniting society and strengthening the resources for peace.

Gulen conceives of good society as one in which one’s main identity is being a fellow human being among others. But the vital spring of that fellowship identity is disabling selfish, self-centred impulses and enabling the impulses to altruism and co-operativeness. It is on that basis that he inspired this ‘movement of volunteers’. Then he encouraged the ‘we’ mentality in those volunteers so that they look for and find commonalities rather than differences. He said: ‘All of us are from Adam and Adam was made out of mud. We are different living sculptures made from the same soil, the same mud.’

He first started the constructing this ‘we’ mentality within Turkey itself. He condemned the separateness and discrimination against different groups living in Turkey. He said: ‘It would be hard to find anybody within Turkey who hates separation, discrimination itself, and words that lead to separation, as much as me.’ In another piece, he wrote: ‘Within the concept of dialogue and tolerance, being a part of social stratum which has good intentions, respects others, accepts the manners that everybody stands for, we should be searching for the ways to sustainable peaceful futures.’

When discussing the conflicts with Armenia he pointed out that we are all people of the same region, we are all connected to the civilizations of Mesopotamia. According to sociologists, behind the various expressions of the Hellenic civilization were people from Mesopotamia. He argued that the history of past problems and conflicts should not become the excuse for conflicts now; that it is not permissible to judge people by the mistakes of their ancestors.

Gulen considers good politics as the kind that strives to unite the society, to broaden the sense of belonging and citizenship awareness. He mentioned that both the right-wing and left-wing groups who were in conflict in the 1980s in Turkey, were patriots, whose hearts were full of love for Turkey. The leaders for their own sake made people turn to fighting and killing each other. He urges whoever is in government to proceed through consultation and strive to be constructive and inclusive in all policies.

Gulen himself initiated dialogue with almost every faith leader, the leaders of political parties, the opinion formers in the worlds of the media and academic institutions, and he conveyed to them the message of building a strong society inclusive of everybody, not leaving out any single person as the ‘other’. His initiatives were welcomed and widely reciprocated in Turkey at the time. Indeed, Turkey witnessed during the 1990s dialogue between figures from distinct groups that had scarcely met each other since the 1800s. This happened thanks to Gulen’s initiative. He explained that this dialogue work can be sustainable if we believe that God is pleased with us when we work to unite the society.

Gulen initiated interfaith and intercultural institutions in almost every country. The movement he inspired become the theory’s living, practical embodiment – its volunteers and sympathizers include people from Sunni or Alawi, Muslim or Catholic, politic or apolitical backgrounds, artists and athletes, professionals and non-professionals, all working together with various level of commitment to the movement.

Gulen also argued that true security for Turkey can only be achieved by interacting closely with its neighbours, not by closing all doors to them. He also stated that governors just after Ataturk misunderstood him and the Misak-i Milli and they kept Turkey within its borders only and never interacted with even its immediate neighbours. Gulen explained that Ataturk’s ‘peace at home, peace in the world’ doctrine can only be achieved by having close, good relationships within the country and with all its neighbours in the region.

Gulen encouraged interfaith and intercultural institutions in almost every country. He always urges people to migrate to other countries in order to establish ‘schools of love’. He believes that ignorance is the main evil behind the separation of groups from each other. Gulen volunteers over the years have opened hundreds of schools in almost every country, even in war-torn places such as Bosnia, Afghanistan, Iraq etc. In these international schools children from the warring groups are educated side by side peacefully, as an example to the conflicting parties. In every country these schools serve as the representatives of peace. Gulen does not advise the teachers and administrators of these schools to serve for a time and then come back; instead, he urges them to be willing to live and die among the people there.

One of the pillars of Gulen’s dialogue idea is building a more capacious and stronger sense of ‘we’ on the practice of altruistic service of others. This theory and activity of dialogue expects, respects and accepts group differences and thereby creates opportunities to discover common ground between groups. It is the very opposite of, indeed the best possible antidote to, the defeatist mentality of ‘hunkering down’.

Published on A Thought, 05 December 2011, Monday

African Union President demands more Turkish schools

2011-12-19T00:00:00.000-08:00

Ayten Çiftçi

African Union President and Equatorial Guinea Foreign Minister Eustaquio Nseng Esono, speaking to Today's Zaman on Sunday, said he would like to see the number of Turkish schools on the African continent rise.

After attending the Turkey-Africa Partnership Ministerial Review Conference held on Friday in İstanbul, Esono said Africa can only solve its current problems through education and that the number of Turkish schools in various countries in Africa should be increased. Being president of the Africa Union, which consist of 54 African countries, Esono said the demand for schools is increasing day by day, Turkish schools play an important role in meeting this demand, but more Turkish schools are needed.

Eustaquio Nseng Esono
(Photo: Today's Zaman)

Expressing their satisfaction regarding these Turkish schools, Esono said, “These Turkish schools should be established in all provinces in all African countries; the current number of schools doesn't satisfy us at all.”

Noting that the European Union shut down all its member states' embassies in African countries and left the continent to its fate during troubled times in Africa, Esono said: “The diligent efforts of Turkish schools in Africa gives us hope in our difficult times on the continent. Turkish people are always with us, and they are so sincere and humanitarian.”

Stating that they won't forget the aid efforts of Turkey to help the Somali people in fighting famine, Esono said they are ready to help Turkey at any time when it is necessary, the Turkey-Africa partnership will last forever, and Turkey is the first country that the African Union completely trusts.

Noting that European countries are only interested in their economic interests in Africa, Esono added that African countries have been exploited for ages by France, England, Spain and Germany. “Western countries always have taken something from Africa and then left us to our fate after the end of colonialism on the continent. Africa was a very rich continent, but western countries didn't let us use our own sources,” Esono said.

Pointing out that previous partnerships with western countries have deteriorated so they don't trust them any more, Esono said, “Although their partnership with Turkey is so new, this has created very positive effects so far, and we plan to expand partnership between Africa and Turkey through new efforts in the areas of agriculture, commerce and banking in 2012.”

About the candidacy of Turkey to the EU, Esono said “Turkey has been an important actor in Europe, the Middle East and now in African countries. The EU needs Turkey, and I believe the EU will invite Turkey itself in the near future.”

Published on Sunday's Zaman, 18 December 2011, Sunday

Turkish Cultural and Food Festival Attracts Thousands in Los Angeles

2011-12-18T00:00:00.000-08:00

Medialog Platform

A four-day Turkish festival, the Anatolian Cultures and Food Festival 2011, organized by the Pacifica Institute, opened its doors to visitors in southern California on Thursday [October 6] and continued attracting masses at the Orange County Fairgrounds in Costa Mesa on its last day [Sunday, October 9] this year, as was the case when the event was organized for the first time in 2009.

Medialog Platform from Journalists and Writers Foundation also attended the festival along with a group of journalists from Istanbul, Turkey.

As the third day of the festival was on a weekend, it attracted more visitors than expected. Visitors had the opportunity to taste the famous breakfast of the southeastern province of Van, see the Mehter Takımı [a parade of the Ottoman military marching band] marching at the festival and attend a concert by Turkish pop singer Rafet El Roman.

Mayors and governors from Turkey and members of the US congress gave speeches in a ceremony held on the third day of the festival.

Van Governor Münir Karaloğlu congratulated the organizers of the festival for organizing a festival that successfully presented Anatolian culture. “Van is a city of civilizations and tolerance with its 7,000-year history. We want to present the values of Van to our American friends,” he said.

Dana Rohrabacher, a Republican from California, said: “Merhaba, [“Hello”] Today I want to thank the Pacifica Institute and those who helped put this program together to create better relations between the two nations. Thank you for doing your part. Let’s reach out and be friends. God bless you.”

US House of Representative member Loretta Sanchez said: “It is a pleasure to have all of you with us today. And it is such a pleasure for you to share your culture with the rest of America. We are working very hard to make it easier for Americans to visit Turkey and, of course, for your families to come and visit you here. … I love this community. I love your food. I can’t wait to go over to the ice cream man. In about a week’s time I will be going with the Pacifica Institute to Turkey. I’m taking a small delegation mostly of women leaders. I look forward to seeing the real cities of Turkey. I have been there before, but this time will be very very special.”

California State Senator Ted Liu stated that he is happy to have gone to Turkey with the trip that the Pacifica Institute organized. “I’m deeply honored to have gone to Turkey last month. I have to tell you that I’ve learned more about Islam in two weeks than I did in 42 years. What I saw was no clash of civilizations, in fact I saw a great many similarities with the West. All of you know that, but we need more Americans to know that,” said Liu.

There was a moment of silence and contemplation for everyone at the OC Fairgrounds each time the call to prayer was sung. As Muslims rushed to observe their prayers together after the calls, music and dance resumed so others could continue having Turkish fun in this small Turkey on the western coast of the United States more than 6,000 kilometers away from the real one.

Published on Medialog Platform, 18 November 2011, Friday

KYM Clinic has risen in helping Ugandan patients

2011-12-17T00:01:00.000-08:00

Kimse Yok Mu

KYM opened a clinic which has become the hope of Ugandan patients who are living in a country struggling with health problems.

Volunteer doctors which have worked on the internal and external design of the hospital in Cinga, and who were involved in the uptake of medicine and medical supplies said that they are very happy to be giving medical service in Uganda.

Ahmet Melih Ulueren, Turkey's Uganda Ambassador, gave a speech at the opening ceremony of the clinic and said, "KYM Association's clinic is very important in terms of the Turkey - Uganda friendship by providing patients with health services and healing. I am grateful to them." The AK Party Osmaniye Parliament Member - Dr. Suat Onal also joined the opening ceremony.

Dr. Omer Can was there for the health screenings and said, "The clinic was built on temporary land taken by the association, and I hope this place will become a complex of hospitals and schools and will give service to the Ugandan people."

Dr. Mehmet Erdogan, who is working in Osmaniye as a family doctor, said "We came here via the KYM Association to give health service to the Ugandan people. We saw a large number of Malaria patients and the diseases here have been solved in our own country many years ago."

Published on Kimse Yok Mu, 14 December 2011, Wednesday

Adana volunteers care for 13 Ugandan children

2011-12-17T00:00:00.000-08:00

Kimse Yok Mu

359 students were brought from African countries for education by KYM, and 13 of them are having their education in Adana Private Burc Ozgoren High School. The KYM Adana branch volunteers are giving them a helping hand.

The students came to the Association and were given gift packages including coats, shoes, pants, shirts, and other clothes.

The KYM Adana branch manager Adem Sonmez said that they would be giving all kinds of support to those students who will be the architects of Africa. While the students are in high school they will have 150TL every month in cash assistance. KYM's goal is to teach them how to catch a fish. Not to give them fish everyday.

"If you want make any prediction about any nation's future, looking at their youth would be sufficient." Sonmez stated that they are using this as a principle and said, "Everyone of these children want to be doctors, engineers and teachers. I hope they will complete their education successfully and will benefit their countries. KYM will be next to them on their way to success."

Published on Kimse Yok Mu, 14 December 2011, Wednesday

What makes the Gülen Movement different from movements of the past and present in Europe?

2011-12-16T00:01:00.000-08:00

fgulen.org

Although the Gülen Movement is a contemporary movement, it concerns itself with forms of action, content and meanings that are qualitatively different from the tradition of struggle frequently seen in European societies.

It does not fit into the conventional categories of the workers’ movement of industrial capitalism and modern leftist movements.

Along with inequalities or changes in society that are economic and political, there are changes and meanings that arise because of the various contractions of the fields in which cultural and moral values can be expressed. Meanings and values such as faith, family, morality, and parts of people’s history have been sidelined or forgotten. Many mechanisms of self-control and autonomy, especially those arising from people’s cultural heritage and religion have been pushed out by modernity. Their constructive influence has lessened, and they have contracted to become mere expressions of individualism or escapism.

The Gülen Movement recognizes the need for a new and inclusive synthesis arising from the past but based upon universal values and modern realities. The Movement therefore emphasizes a different array of factors, including values, such as equality, freedom, dignity, altruism, good life, ecology and morality, needs and issues which the socio-political structure fails to implement.

Published on fgulen.com, 13 December 2011, Tuesday

Fethullah Gülen's message of condolence for deceased Egyptian scholar Dr Abdelhaleem Uways

2011-12-16T00:00:00.002-08:00

Fethullah Gülen

I am deeply saddened by the news that Dr Abdelhaleem Uways, a great scholar, a man of virtue, and my brother, has passed away.

My most sincere sympathies are with his family for this great loss of all Muslims. I pray that Allah makes his grave a heavenly garden of intimacy.

Published on fgulen.com, 12 December 2011, Monday

AK Party-Gülen community relationship

2011-12-15T00:00:00.001-08:00

Salih Tuna, Yeni Şafak

Over the past few days, many columnists have been analyzing the relationship between the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government and the Gülen community. Numerous questions have been raised, for example, “Has the Gülen community turned its back on the AK Party, or has the AK Party turned its back on the Gülen community?”

What is going on? I wonder if an invisible hand put the “action plan to finish off the AK Party and Gülen” into action. If not, why is there so much noise? If the relationship between the AK Party and the Gülen movement has been spoiled because of the match-fixing law, this means that such a relationship was never formed. It is very strange that people who would rejoice if the AK Party were shut down or the Gülen community dissolved care about the relationship between the AK Party and the Gülen movement so much. Some have complained about a “deep divide” within the AK Party. I would not be surprised if others soon begin complaining of a divide within the Gülen community. It is very obvious that these people like “divisions,” and when there are no divisions, they go crazy.

Published on Today's Zaman, 12 December 2011, Monday

Old reflexes of media against faith will rise again

2011-12-14T00:00:00.001-08:00

Zafer Özcan

The name of Ferhat Barış first came to public attention in 1999 in the wake of the release of a videotape that was doctored in a way to make the public believe that religious scholar Fethullah Gülen was trying to get Turkey under his control and was shown on various TV stations.

Journalist Barış fought against a smear campaign targeting the religious people of Turkey through his columns published in the Zaman daily. The tape incident is only one example of attempting to manipulate public opinion carried out in recent decades in Turkey.

Barış turned his intellectual efforts in the fight against the smear campaign into a book, “Maskeli Balon” (Masquerade Balloon). The book soon became a bestseller and a milestone in journalism, exposing the workings of the backstage of the media in Turkey. Since 1999, many things have changed in Turkish media; however, some “illnesses” have remained the same. Barış, on the other hand, is still striving to present the “real” face of the media with his work. The author is this time in the limelight with his latest book, “Vaizi Vurun” (Shoot the Preacher) in which the author scrutinizes the Turkish media and exposes its troubles yet again.

Barış says that nothing much has changed since June 1999, although it seems that something has. According to him, the old “illnesses” of the media will reoccur. “Those who read “Maskeli Balon” will remember that the book ended with a piece titled “Yine Gelecekler” (They Will Come Back). In the article I stressed the ruthlessness of the perpetrators of the tape scandal and said that although it might look like that they have disappeared, they have actually only disguised themselves as something else,” he tells Sunday’s Zaman.

Barış does not believe that the enmity and conspiracies against religious people have ended in the Turkish media. “The national media have reflexes that are as old as the republic [of Turkey]. Alienation to religion and the values of this country has become part of this reflex. They always bear hostility towards those who are not like them. It is not a new quality of the media,” he adds.

Turkish society has been going through a process of a positive change and transformation, according to Barış; however, the media cannot keep up with the changes. “They return to their old habits the first chance [they get]. Unfortunately, it is what it is.”

He says his words should not mean that he has lost hope for the media. He believes that once a new generation manages the media, things will start to change. “The allergic reaction [to the pious] that the current generation has in the media will not go away. They might become calm, and they might stop. But I don’t think they can ever change. Maybe the new generation can get rid of the shameful habits of the past. In this sense, I have to say that I am hopeful about the new generation.”

Gülen paranoia of the media

According to Barış, the paranoia against Gülen and his movement is not new in the media, and he argues that it is indeed not paranoia against the Gülen movement but rather a form of Islamophobia. “Yesterday they were attacking values related to faith and religion, calling them ‘reactionaryism.’ Now they do it by calling them the ‘Gülen movement.’ They only changed the name and words of the target; the type of attack and even the tactics are the same. And of course the attackers as well. Sometimes even people who are not religious at all are pulled into this. This country even saw ‘smart’ people who call professors at Oxford University ‘Gülen followers’.”

Barış talks about an “organized grudge and hatred” towards religious people, saying the grudge and hatred have not disappeared or lessened at all. “Actually, when we look at the mindset of the attackers, we see that they are all super humanist or, I don’t know, animal lovers, or just and fair people. However when religious people come into the picture, they all turn into bulls that see red. You know, they call them [the religious people] jar-headed or depict them as people who scratch their bellies or ‘invade’ beaches, and so on.”

The author thinks that instead of producing methods to solve the hatred towards religious people, putting the real face of the network of grudge and hatred under spotlight would work better. “Of course I respect those who prefer to sit down and talk with these people and explain themselves, but I believe this issue is not that easy to handle.”

Barış calls the efforts at dialogue between the two sides as comic, ironic, tragic and scary. “We are addressing a very interesting group of people. Firstly, the people who attack a faith and people of faith in an organized way have a serious problem of intelligence. They don’t even feel the need to change a formula that they have been using for years and that is only successful from time to time. They think they can get whatever they want just by creating a simple fuss,” he says, also referring to his colleagues who became part of the smear campaign against the pious.

‘Shoot the Preacher’

Barış was inspired by French movie director Francois Truffaut’s “Shoot the Piano Player” when he named his book. He says “Shoot the Preacher” is a reading of the Turkish media that attributes to it the mindset and spirit of people “who keep attacking humanity,” as he calls it. He says the book is not about assassination plots, as the title might suggest.

He does not point to a specific preacher in the book. “In fact everybody who lives in this country knows that the first name that pops into our heads is Gülen. But believe me, his [the preacher’s] name is not important. Yesterday it was Atıf Hoca and Süleyman Efendi and Esat Hocaefendi. Tomorrow there is going to be someone else. The name of the individuals targeted can change. But it’s the same group that is being attacked. Of course the attackers [are the same, too].”

Barış says his book explains the real face of the media in humorous language. “Shoot the Preacher” traces the issue to the past and as far back as the years when the Republic of Turkey was founded. “It is a short journey to find the roots of the hatred. Then, a general outlook on Islamophobia in the world and the perpetrators of this [Islamophobia] in modern day Turkey. There are many things from Feb. 28 [a postmodern coup] to the republican rallies [which were massive protests against the government], and from the April 27 memorandum to the kind of games played before and after the Sept. 12 referendum [on constitutional amendments],” Barış explains.

The author says his book offers documents and detailed data on smear campaigns against religious people, including publications such as “Haliç’te Yaşayan Simonlar” (Simons in the Golden Horn) by Hanefi Avcı, “İmamın Ordusu” (The Imam’s Army) by Ahmet Şık, news portal Odatv and other websites used as tools in such smear campaigns. “Books written on order, attempts to redesign the media, individuals who put other figures on the stage and hide themselves backstage and those who look pious but actually support the other circle [of attackers] are all in this book,” he explains.

Published on Sunday's Zaman, 11 December 2011, Sunday

Kazakhstan presents medals to Turks for contributing to bilateral relations

2011-12-13T00:00:00.000-08:00

Today's Zaman

Turks who have contributed to Turkish-Kazakh relations were presented medals at a reception organized by the Kazakh Consulate General in İstanbul on Thursday evening.

At the reception hosted by Kazakh Consul General Askar Shokybayev to mark the occasion of the 20th anniversary of Kazakhstan’s independence, dozens of Turkish businessmen, academics, educators and representatives of civil society organizations received medals for their contributions to improving friendship and cooperation between Turkey and Kazakhstan.

Speaking at the event, Kazakh Ambassador Canseyit Tüymebayev said his people have not forgotten the sacrifice of the Turkish people during the years when Kazakhstan was struggling for its independence. He thanked the businessmen who invested in his country and the educators who opened schools in Kazakhstan despite the risks right after the nation declared its independence 20 years ago. Tüymebayev presented medals to Harun Tokak, Dialogue Eurasia Platform (DA) co-chair and author; Ali Tokul, the former Kazakh-Turkish Educational Foundation (KATEV) chairman who opened the first Turkish school in Kazakhstan in 1992; and businessman Bekir Okan along with dozens of others.

In an interview with the Cihan news agency, Tüymebayev said he is happy to be with Turkish businessmen, educators and artists in the megacity of İstanbul. Tokak said Kazakhstan had developed a lot following the declaration of independence, and added that Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev has a big role in his country’s development.

In late November, another ceremony was hosted by Tüymebayev in Ankara, where certificates of honor were presented to Justice and Development Party (AK Party) Deputy Chairman Hüseyin Çelik; Parliamentary Speaker Cemil Çiçek; Abdülhamit Bilici, the general manager of the Cihan news agency and a Zaman and Today’s Zaman columnist; and Zaman Editor-in-Chief Ekrem Dumanlı for their contribution to the development of bilateral relations.

Published on Today's Zaman, 09 December 2011, Friday

Babacan visits Turkish, Japanese schools in Sendai

2011-12-12T00:06:00.000-08:00

Sunday's Zaman

Turkish Deputy Prime Minister Ali Babacan, during a visit to Japan, on Wednesday visited a Turkish and a Japanese school in Sendai, both of which sustained severe damage in last March's earthquake and tsunami, the Anatolia news agency reported.

Babacan received a warm welcome by the Japanese students of the Matsugahama elementary school in the town of Shichigahama and of the Turkish Abroad International School. "It is our duty to help Japan, which has always offered a helping hand to Turkey whenever we needed one," said Babacan, adding that Turkey had received great support from the Japanese government and people after devastating earthquakes struck the eastern province of Van in October and November of this year.

Published on Sunday's Zaman, 11 December 2011, Sunday

Pakistani students donate to Turkish quake survivors

2011-12-12T00:00:00.000-08:00

Anatolian Agency

Pakistani students have donated their pocket money to Turkish quake survivors.

Students receiving education in 18 Turkish schools in Pakistan and a group of Pakistani businessmen handed out 1.9 million rupee (almost 21,000 USD) to Turkish Ambassador in Islamabad Babur Hizlan.

The donation will be used to heal wounds of survivors of two powerful earthquakes in the eastern province of Van.

Turkish schools, operating in Pakistan since 1996, have 18 branches in seven provinces and almost 6,000 Pakistani students receive education in these schools

Published on World Bulletin, 02 December 2011, Friday

‘US consults Turkey on most international issues’

2011-12-11T00:00:00.001-08:00

Ayten Çiftçi

The US special envoy to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), calling Turkey one of the US's closest allies, told Today's Zaman in an exclusive interview on Monday, “There are very few major international issues on which we do not consult Turkey on a regular basis.”

Rashad Hussain, a Muslim of Indian heritage, has served in the White House Counsel's Office and has advised President Barack Obama's administration on policy matters related to the Muslim world in his capacity as an envoy to the OIC.

Hussain said Turkey is a shining example in the region. A Muslim of Indian heritage, Hussain has advised Obama’s administration on policy matters related to the Muslim world. (Photo: AA)

Turkey's transformation into one of the world's major economic players as well as its geographic location are of great interest to the US, said Hussain, who came to İstanbul for the Second Global Entrepreneurship Summit. “For these reasons, I think it is very positive that the friendship between [Prime Minister Recep Tayyıp] Erdoğan and Obama has flourished,” he says.

Turkey is democratic, modern and Muslim, Hussain said, making it a shining example for its region. “One of the main differences we see in Turkey is the government here is responsive to the aspirations, concerns and needs of the Turkish people,” he said of the republic. He added that it provides and allows its people to pursue many opportunities.

“That does not mean religion does not play a major role,” he said. According to Hussain's observations, Turkish citizens are able to express themselves and practice their religion freely without fear of force or resistance, he said. There are many differences between Turkey and other countries around the world, Hussain added, but “that does not mean everything is perfect.”

Encouraged by Turkey's leadership in Syria

The Syrian conflict is one of the many areas in which Hussain said the US is in “close cooperation with Turkey.” “We were very encouraged to see Turkey and the Arab League's announcements of sanctions against Syria,” Hussain said.

The US will continue to work with Turkey and the international community in ensuring that the brutal crackdown that is taking place in Syria comes to an end as soon as possible, he added. Voicing serious concerns on the subject of Syria, Hussain stressed that the US will support the people of Syria until the very end. “We think it is very important that not just in Syria, but in all countries, that governments are responsive to the fundamental rights, concerns and aspirations of their people,” he said.

‘US will regain trust of Islamic countries’

According to Hussain, there are two reasons for the US's determination to rekindle dialogue with Islamic countries: political stability and improved relations in the region. Acknowledging America's rocky relations with the region in the past, Hussain explains that the Obama administration is ready to abandon mutual “suspicion” and “distrust” and work toward more collaborative relations. “Trust and friendship between the United States and Islamic countries will be restored,” he affirms.

Hussain listed the continuance of pursuing a state solution between Israel and the Palestinians and the fostering of partnerships in areas such as technology, education, science and health as specific ways to work on mending relations between the East and the West. But Hussain realistically recognized that restoring mutual trust is not something that takes root overnight. “It will take time. And I think what will really change people's minds are continuous changes on policy and when they see the results for themselves,” he said.

This change in foreign policy and outlook, Hussain said, is under way and began with Obama's administration. “I think that we are beginning to realize that, as we continue to pursue this agenda, it will be more successful in the rebuilding of trust between the US and many Muslim countries around the world,” he said.

‘Gülen Movement has made great contributions to the world’

“There is certainly no doubt he is a great scholar,” Hussain said in regards to Islamic thinker Fethullah Gülen, who was named the world's top public intellectual by Foreign Policy magazine in 2008. Calling the Gülen movement a “very positive” development, Hussain said the movement, “with its educational activities beginning in Turkey, has opened new horizons for Turkey.”

The Gülen movement has done significant work in terms of education and fostering interfaith dialogue all over the world, including America.

Published on Today's Zaman, 06 December 2011, Tuesday

Govt, scholars, others chart path to nation-building

2011-12-10T00:00:00.001-08:00

Information Nigeria

NIGERIA, and indeed the rest of the world, must promote dialogue between cultures and mass education of the citizenry, among others, in other to stem crises rooted in religious, ethnic, social or political differences.

The above was the fulcrum of recommendations made by a broad spectrum of academics, government officials, traditional rulers, media chieftains, clerics, jurists, diplomats, non-government organisations (NGOs) and students at a recent two-day international conference in Abuja, which attracted participants from across the world.

Also, according to a communiqué issued at the end of the event, which theme was “Establishing a Culture of Co-existence and Mutual Understanding: Exploring the Fethullah Gulen’s Thought and Action,” the media has a great role to play in the nation building process, hence journalists should “endeavour to report with a sense of social responsibility, decency and mutual respect.”

The conference was a joint partnership between UFUK Dialogue Foundation, Fountain Magazine, and Nigerian partners, including the Federal Ministry of Education, National Universities Commission and six federal universities in the country, namely: Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria; Bayero University, Kano; Usman Danfodio University, Sokoto; Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University, Bauchi; Modibbo Adama University of Technology, Yola; and, the Federal University of Technology, Minna.

Over 1,250 participants registered for it from Benin Republic, Togo, Cameroun, Gabon, Niger Republic, Burkina Faso, Chad, Guinea and South Africa.

The conference had six panels and consisting of 22 presentations. Speakers were drawn from 11 countries, including Nigeria, Malaysia, Bangladesh, India, Russia, Jordan, Turkey, Albania, South Africa, Republic of Ireland and the United States of America.

It aimed “to generate a forum for discussion concerning the modern human condition in which we face many questions and challenges as to how we can coexist in peace with neighbours,” among others.

After presentations and thorough discussions, the conference recommended thus:

• the media in mutual understanding is very critical for it shapes the public opinion, the media should therefore endeavour to report with a sense of social responsibility, decency, and mutual respect;

• dialogue should be an integral part of community processes, especially in multicultural and multi-religious societies;

• education, widely conceived, is a determining factor in establishing understanding and cooperation for peaceful coexistence. On the contrary, ignorance is the breeding place for mutual suspicion, stereotyping, and conflict. And, therefore, greater access to opportunities for all segments of the society should be encouraged;

• religious precepts are not sources of conflict within communities, rather in contextual interpretations of religious precepts, misunderstanding of religious doctrines, and/or manipulations of religious principles are source of conflict and violence. Thus, religious and opinion leaders should endeavour to live above board;

• religious thinking and positive sciences are two aspects of the same truth. It is essential to reach a harmonious understanding of the two. An education based on this principle of harmony of religion and science does not adopt proselytisation as a paradigm of teaching.

Hence, popularisation of science is important factor in doing away with ignorance, superstition, and obscurantism; and,

• these kinds of conferences stimulating dialogue between cultures should be organised in all levels of the society.

At the conference were ministers, members of the National Assembly, presidential advisers, vice chancellors of Federal and state universities, emirs and chiefs judges, Islamic scholars, Christian clerics, members of the academia and students.

Published on Information Nigeria, 06 December 2011, Tuesday

Global Ergenekon

2011-12-09T00:00:00.001-08:00

Ekrem Dumanlı

The busy domestic political agenda may prevent us from seeing what has been going on around us. For instance, a small mobile home was burned in Germany and a historical secret was revealed.

The evidence left by two persons who committed suicide inside the mobile home shed light on murders committed 10 years ago. That the murderers were arrested and then released, that they held passports which only agents could have, and that they had confessed to assaults against Turks raised suspicions that they were protected by some units within the state. Germany is now in shock. For the first time it has become clear that racism is not a marginal discourse in Europe.

A striking development also took place in Greece. In a surprise move on Nov. 2, our EU member neighbor retired the chief of General Staff and force commanders. It turns out 16 generals were plotting to stage a coup to topple the government. Greece was shocked by this incident, given that the country discarded the word “coup” following the last junta in 1973. It is interesting that the British paper Telegraph noted that a conspiracy similar to the one in Turkey was uncovered and that the conspirers were identified. What is more interesting is this: Even those papers that failed to adopt a consistent approach and stance towards the coup investigations in Turkey since the beginning used the term “Greece’s Sledgehammer” in their reports.

A racist terrorist, Andres Behring Breivik, killed 77 in an attack in Norway in July. We know that the murderer, who killed so many innocent lives, traveled to Turkey, that he hated Islam and that he inscribed some notes on Ergenekon in his notebook. A few days ago, an interesting development took place in regard to this brutal murder. Psychiatrists drafted a 230-page-long report indicating that Breivik was not mentally stable. With this report, Breivik may get away without doing any jail time. The wise rulers of Europe who are concerned about the rise of similar attacks are now pretty pessimistic about further assaults. They are right. If it is possible to get away with this incident with a report, many additional mental institutions will be established.

The world is in a state of upheaval. Racism and Islamophobia are on the rise. It is necessary to see that the world is being polarized through seemingly unrelated and unconnected entities and events. This danger existed in the past as well. But today, the world is moving to a different stage. Past marginal discourses are becoming widespread and influential in the political arena. It is hard to argue that it will not be supported by the state as it gains ground among the public. Even the countries considered as homes of immigrants that have imposed heavy punishments on offenses of discrimination because of painful experiences are moving from one end to another. The connections of the new formations instigated by hatred against Turks and immigrations are traceable through the security and intelligence units of the states.

The globalizing economic crisis will strengthen the already strong discourse. Based on our painful experience, I would comfortably say that if there is no stable government in a country, if the political authority is experiencing a setback, and if the economic crisis affects the people, deep structures and gangs emerge. As soon as the justice and security mechanism is weakened, marginal organizations on the street and deep structures within the state collaborate and suspend the law.

And there are states like Syria, which owe their existence to the shady operations against their own people. They terrorize their people and also train terrorists to inflict harm on their rivals. Recent news stories should be read within this framework: “The Damascus administration, which is experiencing a crisis with Ankara, allocated a camp to the [Kurdistan Workers’ Party] PKK.” In fact, there are a number of countries like Syria in this area. Besides, the projects they think they own are administered by other powers which use them as puppets and subcontractors.

It is necessary to get ready for new actions by covert groups by covert structures similar to the Ergenekon network in Turkey, a clandestine network plotting to overthrown the government, in this environment. It is also possible that some strong lobbyists generate global circumstances similar to those surrounding the Feb. 28, 1997 military coup in Turkey via deep operations. Countries like Turkey, which has been exerting efforts to stand on its own two feet but is still too immature to do so, need to destroy the illegal structure of the domestic adventurers and take measures to remain immune to the harm by foreign actors. This is a fairly difficult process. I hope our prudence and wisdom are sufficient to get through this dark tunnel.

The siege continues

I have previously talked about a long-term and carefully crafted plan. Those who have lost hope in the anti-democratic forces within Turkey are now moving abroad. They attend panels, hold meetings and write opinion pieces. They argue that Turkey has changed its axis, that the Ergenekon case is an attempt at political intimidation, that the press is being repressed and that the Kurds are forced to go into the mountains because no room is left for their political participation.

In fact, these accusations are nothing new, but those who want anti-democratic forces to win take action again by referring to the arrest of some journalists or the arrests of some Kurdish Communities Union (KCK) members. They effectively cover up the secret and armed organizations as if they were supporting the Ergenekon investigation before the arrest of these journalists or were holding positive views of the KCK case before the arrests. To this end, they also complain about the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), Fethullah Gülen and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in international circles. And they call this journalism. The papers and newsweeklies that are thought to observe global standards in their publications surrender to this dark propaganda without relying on opposition views and float on the waters of international lobbyists.

These are performed not only by journalists in disguise. Those who stay in Brussels and Washington all the time rely on dark propaganda at every opportunity they get. Now they are pushing for the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). Those who forward false information to foreigners are actually waging an ideological war within a political state of mind. And in fact they are misleading their foreign friends as well because none of their analyses reflect the social reality.

For those curious about where this column came from, I would recommend they read the reports and pieces on Turkey published in “respectful” publications of the Western press. A siege based on lies is in progress. I hope Turkey is aware of this.

Published on Sunday's Zaman, 04 December 2011, Sunday

Education, human capital and Arab Spring

2011-12-08T00:00:00.000-08:00

Abdullah Bozkurt

I strongly believe that education is the most important formidable challenge facing the countries in the Middle East, which have been in stages of transition amid discontent, demonstrations, uprisings or even revolutions, while they try to map out trajectories for their future.

The ultimate success or terrible failure of the reforms and institutionalization process Arab countries have been undertaking for some time will undoubtedly hinge on the outcome of educational reforms. This was the message I carried to the prestigious Abant Platform over the weekend, which was organized in Gaziantep, a Turkish province on the border with Syria, with the title “The Future of the Middle East after the Arab Spring,” in cooperation with Zirve University.

Unless we have a truly fundamental change in the way we approach education in these countries -- whose populations are relatively young compared to those in Europe, for example -- it would be impossible to continue the spirit of reform in the near future. According to the Arab Human Development Report issued by the UN Development Program, some 60 percent of the population in the Arab countries is under 25 years of age, making this one of the most youthful regions in the world. Considering the rampant unemployment, which is about 30 percent of the youth in these states, 51 million new jobs are needed within the coming decade in order to prevent an increase in the unemployment rate.

This bleak picture puts Arab countries in a difficult predicament. There are two important challenges in terms of educational reforms: One is how we ensure unfettered access to education for everybody, i.e., equal opportunity for all, including vulnerable groups. The other is how we can stimulate young minds into analytical and critical thinking instead of lecturing them with a redundant emphasis on memorization. Arab educators must also be able to devise curriculums to bridge the gap between colleges/universities and industries to better meet the demand of businesses. In other words, education must be relevant to the currant business needs of a country. Young minds should be empowered with entrepreneurship and an initiative-taking mindset with a special focus on communication and analytical skills. Getting a degree by itself is not enough to reduce unemployment in these Arab countries, which will be home to some 400 million people in a few years.

One has to remember that almost a year ago Mohamed Bouazizi, a 26-year-old fresh produce seller in a small town in Tunisia, ignited the Arab Spring when he set himself on fire in protest of humiliation amid economic difficulties, which sent President Ben Ali and his family into exile after 23 years in power. The incident taught us that it would be very difficult to sustain social, political and economic reforms without the necessary underpinning of highly skilled and educated human capital that is spread, by and large, evenly to all segments of society, and not only to the special privileged few. Equal educational opportunities would help level the playing field for everybody, leading to equal opportunities in the job market.

On a cautious note, we have to underline that educational reforms are never easy and should be considered as a long-term investment but with a highly profitable return on investment provided that they are carefully devised. If the young Arab populace could be trained and educated with well-formulated tools within the new revamped system, only then would we see the participation of citizens in a productive way to the well being of their societies. The full potential of each and every individual can only be achieved through a quality education, and this would in turn contribute immensely to the overall positive development of Arab societies. You might have a modern constitution in line with the rule of law, human rights and a participatory democratic system where all citizens are supposedly equal with regards to their color, gender, ethnicity and religion. But all these fundamental rights will be mere words on paper if you do not have an educational lift for the young population in these fragile countries. The new system would continue to be hostage to exploitation by a few under renamed regimes of tutelage.

There is a strong religious sentiment in Arab countries which constitutes the core values in these societies. There is nothing wrong with that. Every country is unique and must be given a chance to develop its own custom-made development schemes. There is no “one-size-fits-all” formula there. Considering that Islamist-based political parties, long-suppressed under authoritarian regimes, are sweeping elections in Tunisia and Egypt, and possibly in Syria in the future, the new rulers must pay attention to the scientific advancement that has been lagging behind the rest of the world for decades. Coupled with that, gender issues and a lack of educational opportunities for women must also be adequately addressed.

Education could be instrumental in correcting lingering problems along religious, sectarian and ethnic lines. It should promote harmony and coexistence while ensuring the full participation of all distinct groups in the governance of the country with a representative democracy. If the educational system bolsters the chance of success in adopting comprehensive economic and social reforms, it would also help undercut reasons for religious and ethnic conflicts anyway. In most cases, the real cause for the confrontation among different groups is related to economic and social problems but often dressed in the guise of religious or ethnic rivalry.

Almost all the structural problems in Arab countries can be attributed to the deficiencies in their educational systems and the lack of development in human capital -- the most precious assets we all have. Problems in health and social security, environmental concerns, the lack of development of civil society organizations (CSOs), a stifling bureaucracy, corruption, and a lack of transparency and accountability in governments are all unsolvable without addressing the root of the problems in the educational system.

Lastly, there is so much hype about the “Turkish model” in the Arab Spring that I do not believe. But if there are some good practices and best experiences that Turkey can share with Arab countries, the revolutionary educational undertaking we had experienced in this country in the last couple of decades must be one of them. The Turkish reform process involved not only public figures but also CSOs, community groups, private companies and entrepreneurs. Especially meriting praise are Muslim intellectual Fethullah Gülen-inspired private schools and universities that have successfully campaigned for excellence in education from science to social studies. These schools created a strong sense of local ownership in the communities they serve and mobilized businesses, politicians and community leaders on behalf of these schools for the advancement and better education of boys and girls alike.

This educational overhaul paved the way for the flourishing middle class in Turkey as an engine of change and resulted in the birth of the so-called Anatolian tigers, a nickname for big companies that grew out of one-time small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). This middle class acted as a backbone for the growing civic institutions and advocacy interest groups in Turkey. In time the process transformed Turkish society in a fundamental way and led to the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party). It was not the AK Party government that changed Turkey. It was simply the result of transformations that were fueled by the quality and coverage of education at the local level. If you merely try to emulate the AK Party experience in Turkey, you may lose sight of the forest for the trees.

Published on Today's Zaman, 05 December 2011, Monday

The Arab Spring and Turkey

2011-12-07T00:00:00.000-08:00

Ergun Babahan

First, let me underline one fact: The Arab world has not been on Turkey's radar only because of reasons related to religion.

The increased importance of this region as a market for Turkish exports has made the Arab lands precious for Turkey. Turkey mostly relied on European Union countries for trade, but during the last decade it has realized the risks of focusing on a single market and decided to diversify its trade partners.

As a result, it has managed to carve out areas of cooperation for itself in Africa, the Turkic republics and the Arab countries. Today, the EU is still its main trade partner, but the share of the above-mentioned regions has increased significantly.

In these lands, Turkey is becoming a major player in direct investment, contracting services and commodity exports. Not surprisingly, Turkey cannot remain insensitive to the political developments in those regions that directly affect its trade.

As for the matter of Turkey being a model for the Arab world, this was discussed frequently during the conference organized by the Abant Platform in Gaziantep last weekend. I realized that a significant portion of the Arabs who attended the conference were uneasy with the term “Turkish model,” perhaps because of Turkey's secular nature.

The thing is, everyone serves as a model for others from time to time. Thus, during the time of Mehmet Ali Paşa, Egypt served as a model for the Ottoman Empire, triggering the reform process that would continue for 200 years. The process culminated in the establishment of the Turkish Republic.

The reform process in Egypt, on the other hand, was interrupted by the occupation of the country and resulted in a military dictatorship. Today, Egypt is transitioning to democracy under the supervision of the international community, but this is only a preliminary move.

The West would not want to see developments similar to those that occurred in Iran, so it will lend support to military tutelage for a while. And this is the model that Turkey has implemented since the 2000s and which is largely designed by the West. During the military system of tutelage, Turkey suffered from great sorrow and paid a high price, but it eventually attained democracy.

Muslim groups in Turkey played a great role in this by insistently refraining from violence. During the last 30 years, these groups have developed commercial ties with the rest of the world and started to work with the Western world, which in turn helped them understand the “other” better and embrace the notion of democracy.

The Gülen movement, which is particularly influential among opinion leaders in conservative circles, emphasized dialogue, instead of clashes, with the West, thereby contributing significantly to the process. It is, of course, unnecessary to tell Arab countries that have just thrown off military dictatorships that they should adopt the Turkish model. But if they want to experience less conflict in the future, I think they should closely study the Turkish case and be inspired by Turkish conservatives.

It should also be noted that it is becoming increasingly impossible to make a distinction between the West and the Muslim lands, and, therefore, we need to learn ways to live together.

Moreover, there is a multitude of different Islamic cultures with distinct interpretations, not a single Islam in this region. Serious and patient efforts to increase economic development and improve education will be necessary to keep them all together and in peace.

Published on Today's Zaman, 05 December 2011, Monday

Forum blames violence on wrong religious orientation

2011-12-06T00:00:00.000-08:00

Eric Ikhilae

Recurring violence in parts of the country result mostly from wrongful interpretation of religious doctrines by clerics and spiritual leaders, participants at an international conference in Abuja have said.

They sought positive scientific knowledge and ideas to prevent the growing ignorance and superstition among Nigerians, saying this is responsible for frequent inter-religious conflicts and violence.

Stressing the importance of education for societal peace, the forum noted that it serves as a means of fostering understanding and cooperation for peaceful coexistence in any society.

These were contained in a communiqué issued at the end of a two-day conference held in Abuja with the theme: Establishing a culture of coexistence and mutual understanding: Exploring the Fethullah Gulen’s thought and action.

The conference, which witnessed 22 presentations, drew speakers from Asia, Europe, South America and Africa. It had over 1,250 registered participants from about 10 other African countries representing public and private organisations and religious institutions.

It was organised by the Federal Ministry of Education, the National Universities Commission (NUC), six federal universities, in conjunction with UFUK Dialogue Foundation and the Fountain Magazine.

The conference noted that religious precepts are not sources of conflicts within communities but that conflicts result from “incontextual interpretations of religious precepts, misunderstanding of religious doctrines and/or manipulation of religious principles”.

Urging religious leaders to live above board, participants resolved that dialogue should be made an integral part of community process, especially in multi-cultural and multi-religious societies.

It recommended that the countries should work at ensuring greater access to educational opportunities by all segments of the society.

“Religious thinking and positive sciences are two aspects of the same truth. It is essential to reach a harmonious understanding of the two. An education based on this principle of harmony of religion and science does not adopt proselytisation as a paradigm of teaching. Hence, popularisation of science is important in doing away with ignorance, superstition and obscurantism,” the forum said.

Stressing the importance of the media in fostering mutual understanding in multi-cultural and multi-religious societies, participants recommended the organisation of conferences stimulating dialogue between cultures at all levels of government.

Published on The Nation, 01 December 2011, Thursday